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The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and its Secret Protocol.
Annexation of Polish territories
1939 August 23–24 in the late hours Nazi Germany – Soviet Union signed secret Nazi–Soviet alliance Protocols
Flag of Nazi Germany
Flag of Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Following completion of the Soviet-German trade and credit agreement, there has arisen the question of improving political links between Germany and the USSR.
On 22 August 1939, one day after the talks broke down with France and Britain, Moscow revealed that Ribbentrop would visit Stalin the next day. This happened while the Soviets were still negotiating with the British and French missions in Moscow. With the Western nations unwilling to accede to Soviet demands, Stalin instead entered a secret Nazi–Soviet alliance.
On 24 August 1939, a 10-year non-aggression pact was signed with provisions that included: consultation; arbitration if either party disagreed; neutrality if either went to war against a third power; no membership of a group “which is directly or indirectly aimed at the other.”
Joseph Stalin and Joachim von Ribbentrop at the signing of the Pact
Most notably, there was also an additional secret protocol to the pact, revealed only after Germany’s defeat in 1945, according to which the states of Northern and Eastern Europe were divided into German and Soviet “spheres of influence”.
In the North, Finland, Estonia and Latvia were assigned to the Soviet sphere.
Poland was to be partitioned in the event of its “political rearrangement”—the areas east of the Pisa, Narev, Vistula and San rivers going to the Soviet Union while Germany would occupy the west. Lithuania, adjacent to East Prussia, would be in the German sphere of influence, although a second secret protocol agreed to in September 1939 reassigned the majority of Lithuania to the USSR. According to the secret protocol, Lithuania would be granted the ethnic Polish city of Wilno, which was a part of Poland during the inter-war period. Another clause of the treaty was that Germany would not interfere with the Soviet Union’s actions towards Bessarabia, then part of Romania; as the result, Bessarabia was joined to the Moldovan ASSR, and become the Moldovan SSR under control of Moscow.
At the signing, Ribbentrop and Stalin enjoyed warm conversations, exchanged toasts and further addressed the prior hostilities between the countries in the 1930s. They characterized Britain as always attempting to disrupt Soviet-German relations, stated that the Anti-Comintern pact was not aimed at the Soviet Union, but actually aimed at Western democracies and “frightened principally the City of London i.e., the British financiers” and the English shopkeepers”.
On 24 August 1939, Pravda and Izvestia carried news of the non-secret portions of the Pact, complete with the now infamous front-page picture of Molotov signing the treaty, with a smiling Stalin looking on “located at the top of this article”. The news was met with utter shock and surprise by government leaders and media worldwide, most of whom were aware only of the British–French–Soviet negotiations that had taken place for months. The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was received with shock by Nazi Germany’s allies, notably Japan, by the Comintern and foreign communist parties, and by Jewish communities all around the world. So, that day, German diplomat Hans von Herwarth, whose grandmother was Jewish, informed Guido Relli, an Italian diplomat, and American chargé d’affaires Charles Bohlen on the secret protocol regarding vital interests in the countries’ allotted “spheres of influence”, without revealing the annexation rights for “territorial and political rearrangement”.
Time Magazine repeatedly referred to the Pact as the “Communazi Pact” and its participants as “communazis” until April 1941.
Soviet propaganda and representatives went to great lengths to minimize the importance of the fact that they had opposed and fought against the Nazis in various ways for a decade prior to signing the Pact. Upon signing the pact, Molotov tried to reassure the Germans of his good intentions by commenting to journalists that “fascism is a matter of taste”. For its part, Nazi Germany also did a public volte-face regarding its virulent opposition to the Soviet Union, though Hitler still viewed an attack on the Soviet Union as “inevitable”.
Concerns over the possible existence of a secret protocol were first expressed by the intelligence organizations of the Baltic States scant days after the pact was signed. Speculation grew stronger when Soviet negotiators referred to its content during negotiations for military bases in those countries.
The day after the Pact was signed, the French and British military negotiation delegation urgently requested a meeting with Soviet military negotiator Kliment Voroshilov. On 25 August 1939, Voroshilov told them “[i]n view of the changed political situation, no useful purpose can be served in continuing the conversation.” That day, Hitler told the British ambassador to Berlin that the pact with the Soviets prevented Germany from facing a two front war, changing the strategic situation from that in World War I, and that Britain should accept his demands regarding Poland.
On 25 August 1939, surprising Hitler, Britain entered into a defense pact with Poland. Consequently, Hitler postponed his planned 26 August 1939 invasion of Poland to 1 September 1939. Britain and France responded by guaranteeing the sovereignty of Poland, so they declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939. (And then betrayed Poland – Admin.)
Texts of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and its Secret Protocol
– Treaty of Nonaggression Between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Secret Additional Protocol, 23 August 1939.
– Secret Additional Protocol of 28 September 1939 Amending the Secret Agreement of 23 August 1939.
– German-Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty of 28 September 1939; Confidential Protocols Concerning Repatriation and Political Subjugation of Poland; Declaration of the German Reich and the Government of the USSR.
– German-Soviet Protocol of 10 January 1941 Concerning Transfer of the Rights to the Suwalki Strip to the USSR.
GERMAN CORRESPONDENCE ON THE PACT, OCTOBER 1939
– The German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop, to the German Ambassador in Moscow, Schulenberg.
– The German Minister in Kaunas Informed of the Secret Protocol; Zechlin Reports on Lithuanian Reaction.
– Ribbentrop Tells German Envoys in the Baltic About the Secret Protocol.
Text of the secret protocol “in German”
Planned and actual territorial changes in Central Europe 1939–1940
Treaty of Nonaggression Between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics desirous of strengthening the cause of peace between Germany and the U.S.S.R., and proceeding from the fundamental provisions of the Neutrality Agreement concluded in April 1926 between Germany and the U.S.S.R., have reached the following agreement:
Article I
Both High Contracting Parties obligate themselves to desist from any act of violence, any aggressive action, and any attack on each other either individually or jointly with other powers.
Article II
Should one of the High Contracting Parties become the object of belligerent action by a third power, the other High Contracting Party shall in no manner lend its support to this third power.
Article III
The Governments of the two High Contracting Parties shall in the future maintain continual contact with one another for the purpose of consultation in order to exchange information on problems affecting their common interests.
Article IV
Neither of the two High Contracting Parties shall participate in any grouping of powers whatsoever that is directly or indirectly aimed at the other party.
Article V
Should disputes or conflicts arise between the High Contracting Parties over problems of one kind or another, both parties shall settle these disputes or conflicts exclusively through friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary, through the establishment of arbitration commissions.
Article VI
The present treaty is concluded for a period of ten years, with the proviso that, in so far as one of the High Contracting Parties does not denounce it one year prior to the expiration of this period, the validity of this treaty shall automatically be extended for another five years.
Article VII
The present treaty shall be ratified within the shortest possible time. The ratifications shall be exchanged in Berlin. The agreement shall enter into force as soon as it is signed.
Done in duplicate, in the German and Russian languages;
Moscow, 23 August 1939.
For the Government of the German Reich: With full power of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
Last page of the Additional Secret Protocol of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
Secret Additional Protocol
On the occasion of the signature of the Nonaggression Pact between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics the undersigned plenipotentiaries of each of the two parties discussed in strictly confidential conversations the question of the boundary of their respective spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. These conversations led to the following conclusions:
1. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement in the areas belonging to the Baltic States “Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania”, the northern boundary of Lithuania shall represent the boundary of the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. In this connection the interest of Lithuania in the Vilnius area is recognized by each party.
2. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narew, Vistula, and San.
The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish state and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments.
In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement.
3. With regard to Southeastern Europe attention is called by the Soviet side to its interest in Bessarabia. The German side declares its complete political disinterestedness in the areas.
4. This protocol shall be treated by both parties as strictly secret.
Moscow, 23 August 1939.
For the Government of the German Reich Plenipotentiary of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
Secret Additional Protocol of 28 September 1939
The undersigned plenipotentiaries declare the agreement of the Government of the German Reich and the Government of the U.S.S.R. upon the following:
The Secret Additional Protocol signed on 23 August 1939, shall be amended in item 1 to the effect that the territory of the Lithuanian state falls to the sphere of influence of the U.S.S.R., while, on the other hand, the province of Lublin and parts of the province of Warsaw fall to the sphere of influence of Germany (cf. the map attached to the Boundary and Friendship Treaty signed today). As soon as the Government of the U.S.S.R. shall take special measures on Lithuanian territory to protect its interests, the present German-Lithuanian border, for the purpose of a natural and simple boundary delineation, shall be rectified in such a way that the Lithuanian territory situated to the southwest of the line marked on the attached map falls to Germany.
Further it is declared that the economic agreements now in force between Germany and Lithuania shall not be affected by the measures of the Soviet Union referred to above.
Moscow, 28 September 1939
For the Government of the German Reich: By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
“Second Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact” of 28 September 1939.
Map of Poland signed by Joseph Stalin and Joachim von Ribbentrop
adjusting the German–Soviet border in the aftermath of German and
Soviet invasion of Poland.
German-Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty of 28 September 1939.
The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the U.S.S.R. consider it exclusively their task, after the collapse of the former Polish state, to re-establish peace and order in these territories and to assure to the peoples living there a peaceful life in keeping with their national character. To this end, they have agreed upon the following:
Article I
The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the U.S.S.R. determine as the boundary of the respective national interests in the territory of the former Polish state the line marked on the attached map, which shall be described in more detail in a supplementary protocol.
Article II
Both parties recognize the boundary of the respective national interests established in Article 1 as definitive and shall reject any interference of third powers in this settlement.
Article III
The necessary reorganization of public administration will be effected in the areas west of the line specified in 1 by the Government of the German Reich, in the areas east of the line by the Government of the U.S.S.R.
Article IV
The Government of the German Reich and the Government the U.S.S.R. regard this settlement as a firm foundation for a progressive development of the friendly relations between their peoples.
Article V
This treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged in Berlin as soon as possible. The treaty becomes effective upon signature.
Done in duplicate, in the German and Russian languages;
Moscow, 28 September 1939
For the Government of the German Reich: By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
Confidential Protocol
The Government of the U.S.S.R. shall place no obstacles in the way of Reich nationals and other persons of German descent residing in the territories under its jurisdiction, if they desire to migrate to Germany or to the territories under German jurisdiction. It agrees that such removals shall be carried out by agents of the Government of the Reich in cooperation with the competent local authorities and that the property rights of the emigrants shall be protected.
A corresponding obligation is assumed by the Government of the German Reich in respect to the persons of Ukrainian or Belorussian descent residing in the territories under its jurisdiction.
Moscow, 28 September 1939
For the Government of the German Reich: By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
Secret Additional Protocol
The undersigned plenipotentiaries, on concluding the German-Russian Boundary and Friendship Treaty, have declared their agreement upon the following:
Both parties will tolerate no Polish agitation in their territories which affects the territories of the other party. They will suppress in their territories all beginnings of such agitation and inform each other concerning suitable measures for this purpose.
Moscow, 28 September 1939
For the Government of the German Reich: By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
German-Soviet Secret Protocol
The German Ambassador, Count von der Schulenburg, Plenipotentiary of the Government of the German Reich, on the one hand, and the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the U.S.S.R., V.M. Molotov, Plenipotentiary of the Government of the U.S.S.R., on the other hand, have agreed upon the following:
1. The Government of the German Reich renounces its claim to the strip of Lithuanian territory which is mentioned in the Secret Additional Protocol of 28 September 1939, and which has been marked on the map attached to this Protocol;
2. The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is prepared to compensate the Government of the German Reich for the territory mentioned in Point 1 of this Protocol by paying 7,500,000 gold dollars or 31,500,000 million reichsmarks to Germany.
The amount of 31,5 million Reichsmarks will be paid by the Government of the U.S.S.R. in the following manner: one-eight, that is, 3,937,500 Reichsmarks, in nonferrous metal deliveries within three months after the signing of this Protocol, the remaining seven-eights, or 27,562,500 Reichsmarks in gold by deduction from the German gold payments which Germany is to make by 11 February 1941, in accordance with the correspondence exchanged between the Chairman of the German Economic Delegation, Dr. Schnurre, and the People’s Commissar for Foreign Trade of the U.S.S.R., A.I. Mikoyan, in connection with the “Agreement of 10 January 1941, concerning reciprocal deliveries in the second treaty period on the basis of the Economic Agreement between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of 11 February 1940”.
3. This Protocol has been executed in two originals in the German language and two originals in the Russian language and shall become effective immediately upon signature.
Moscow, 10 January 1941.
For the Government of the German Reich: By authority of the Government of the U.S.S.R.:
v. Ribbentrop V. Molotov
Schulenburg (Seal)
(Seal)
The German Foreign Minister, Ribbentrop, to the German Ambassador in Moscow, Schulenburg.
Telegram
Very urgent
Strictly secret
No. 497 of 4 October
Berlin, 5 October 1939—3:43 a.m.
Received Moscow, 5 October 1939—11:55 a.m.
Referring to today’s telephonic communication from the Ambassador;
The Legation in Kaunas is being instructed as follows:
1) Solely for your personal information, I am apprising you of the following: At the time of the signing of the German-Russian Nonaggression Pact on 23 August, a strictly secret delimitation of the respective spheres of influence in Eastern Europe was also undertaken. In accordance therewith, Lithuania was to belong to the German sphere of influence, while in the territory of the former Polish state, the so-called four-river line, Pissa-Narew-Vistula-San, was to constitute the border. Even then I demanded that the district of Vilnius go to Lithuania, to which the Soviet Government consented. At the negotiations concerning the Boundary and Friendship Treaty on 28 September, the settlement was amended to the extent that Lithuania, including the Vilnius area, was included in the Russian sphere of influence, for which in turn, in the Polish area, the province of Lublin and large portions of the province of Warsaw, including the pocket of territory of Suwalki, fell within the German sphere of influence. Since, by the inclusion of the Suwalki tract in the German sphere of influence a difficulty in drawing the border line resulted, we agreed that in case the Soviets should take special measures in Lithuania, a small strip of territory in the southwest of Lithuania, accurately marked on the map, should fall to Germany.
2) Today Count von der Schulenburg reports that Molotov, contrary to our own intentions, notified the Lithuanian Foreign Minister last night of the confidential arrangement. Please now, on your part, inform the Lithuanian Government, orally and in strict confidence, of the matter, as follows:
As early as at the signing of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 23 August, in order to avoid complications in Eastern Europe, conversations were held between ourselves and the Soviet Government concerning the delimitation of German and Soviet spheres of influence. In these conversations I had recommended restoring the Vilnius district to Lithuania, to which the Soviet Government gave me its consent. In the negotiations concerning the Boundary and Friendship Treaty of 28 September, as is apparent from the German-Soviet boundary demarcation which is published, the pocket of territory of Suwalki jutting out between Germany and Lithuania had fallen to Germany. As this created an intricate and impractical boundary, I had reserved for Germany a border correction in this area, whereby a small strip of Lithuanian territory would fall to Germany. The award of Vilnius to Lithuania was maintained in these negotiations also. You are now authorized to make it known to the Lithuanian Government that the Reich Government does not consider the question of this border revision timely at this moment. We make the proviso, however, that the Lithuanian Government treat this matter as strictly confidential. End of instruction for Kaunas.
I request you to inform Mr. Molotov of our communication to the Lithuanian Government. Further, please request of him, as already indicated in the preceding telegram, that the border strip of Lithuanian territory involved be left free in the event of a possible posting of Soviet troops in Lithuania and also that it be left to Germany to determine the date of the implementing of the agreement concerning the cession to Germany of the territory involved. Both of these points at issue should be set forth in a secret exchange of letters between yourself and Molotov.
Ribbentrop
The German Minister in Kaunas, Zechlin, to the German Foreign Office
Telegram
Most urgent
No. 175 of 5 October
Kaunas, 5 October 1939–7:55 p.m.
Received 5 October–10:30 p.m.
With reference to telegram No. 252 of 5 October (4)
[Deputy Prime Minister Kazys] Bizauskas sent for me today even before I could ask for an appointment with the Foreign Minister as instructed in telegram No. 252; he first made excuses for Mr. Urbšys, who was completely occupied today with continuous discussions in the Cabinet and therefore unfortunately could not speak with me himself. He then informed me that Molotov had told Urbšys that Germany had laid claim to a strip of Lithuanian territory, the limits of which included the city and district of Naumiestis and continued on past the vicinity of Mariampolė. This had made a deep and painful impression on Lithuania, and Urbšys had flown back to Kaunas partly because of this information, which he had not wished to transmit by telephone.
The Lithuanian Government has instructed Škirpa to make inquiries in Berlin.
I told him that in the Moscow discussions on the delimitation of the German and Soviet spheres of interest, the Reich Foreign Minister had advocated giving the Vilnius area to Lithuania and had also obtained the Soviet Government’s agreement in the matter. While Lithuania had the prospect of such a great increase in territory a difficult and impracticable boundary in the vicinity of the Suwalki tip had come into existence because of the German-Soviet border division. Therefore the idea of a small border rectification at the German-Lithuanian frontier had also emerged in the course of these negotiations; but I could inform him that the German Government did not consider the question pressing. Bizauskas received this information with visible relief and asked me to transmit the thanks of the Lithuanian Government on his score to the Reich Government. Furthermore he asked on his part that the matter be kept strictly secret, which I promised him.
I might add that since the fixing of the German-Soviet frontier became known, political quarters here have had great hopes of obtaining the Suwalki tip from Germany.
Zechlin
The German Foreign Minister, Ribbentrop, to the German Ministers in Tallinn, Riga and Helsinki
Telegram
Most Urgent
(1) To Talinn, Nr. 257
(2) To Riga, Nr. 328
(3) To Helskin, Nr. 318
Berlin, 7 October 1939
Exclusively for the Minister personally:
Supplementing our telegrams No. 241 to (1), No. 303 to (2) and No. 305 to (3), I am communicating the following to you in strict secrecy and for your personal information only:
During the Moscow negotiations with the Soviet Government the question of delimiting the spheres of interest of both countries in Eastern Europe was discussed in strict confidence, not only with reference to the area of the former Polish state, but also with reference to the countries of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Finland. At the same time the delimitation of the spheres of interest was agreed upon for the eventuality of a territorial and political reorganization in these areas. The borderline fixed for this purpose for the territory of the former Polish state is the line designated in article 1 of the German-Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty of September 28 and publicly announced. Otherwise, the line is identical with the German-Lithuanian frontier. Thus it follows that Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Finland do not belong to the German sphere of interest in the sense indicated above.
You are requested to refrain, as heretofore, from any explanations on this subject.
The Foreign Minister
Kārlis Augusts Vilhelms Ulmanis
Most of the Baltic Germans left Latvia by agreement between Kārlis Ulmanis government and Nazi Germany after the conclusion of the Molotoc-Ribbentrop Pact.
In total 50,000 Baltic Germans left by the deadline of December 1939, with another 1,600 remaining to conclude business and 13,000 choosing to remain in Latvia. Most of those who remained subsequently left for Germany in the summer of 1940, when a second resettlement scheme was agreed upon.
===================
( Which now explains the ‘disappearance’ in numbers of Germans, that is being currently used by some neo-nazis against Poland, accusing Poles of ethnic cleansing of German nationals in Poland and the consequential invasion of Poland. How deceptive and cruel! All is clear now – Admin.)
=======================
On 5 October 1939, Latvia was forced to accept a “mutual assistance” pact with the Soviet Union, granting the Soviets the right to station between 25,000 and 30,000 troops on Latvian territory.
Soviet and German invasions, annexations and alliances in central and eastern Europe 1939-1940
===================================
http://thecelotajs.com/latvia-50years/The-Molotov%E2%80%93Ribbentrop-Pact-and-its-Secret-Protocol.php
Related:
German–Soviet parades in Polish cities
http://www.wikiwand.com/en/German%E2%80%93Soviet_military_parade_in_Brest-Litovsk
Between Nazis and Soviets: Occupation Politics in Poland, 1939-1947
https://www.amazon.com/Between-Nazis-Soviets-Occupation-1939-1947/dp/0739104845
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THANK YOU TO THE FORGOTTEN POLISH SOLDIERS WHO FOUGHT FOR YOURS & OUR FREEDOM
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DOSYĆ KŁAMSTW
Walczmy z przejawami antypolonizmu
Justice4Poland.com 
Tu jest moja lista ksiazek I filmow (z linkami), o ktorych napisalem recenzje, w sprawie Niemieckiej i Radzieckiej agresji prszeciwko Polsce w 1939:
https://www.amazon.com/gp/richpub/listmania/fullview/R1YM6MJR6JPS4L/cm_lm_byauthor_title_full
Wonderful!
Thank you sir : )