Connecting true geography and detailed unfolding of wide variety of crimes perpetrated by German/Ukrainian Nazis and jewish bolsheviks of Soviet Union on the Polish nation.
Paper prepared for the International Comparative Genocide Research project, Hiroshima City University, 2008
Before WWII………………………………………….. 3
Nazi-Soviet vice…………………………………….. 5
After June 1941…………………………………….. 6
Rescue of Jews……………………………………… 7
Post-WWII terror…………………………………….. 9
Judeocentric terror…………………………………. 11
Polska Golgota………………………………………. 12
In a vice…………………………………………….. 13
Poland’s losses politicized………………………. 15
Joint revisionism………………………………….. 16
Grossian fiction……………………………………. 22
“Polish concentration camps”……………………. 23
Jedwabne and Kielce………………………………. 25
Jedwabne spin……………………………………… 25
“Anti-Semitism” blackmail……………………… 26
Kielce “pogrom”…………………………………… 27
Crimes and Catholics…………………………….. 29
Holocaust Industry at work………………………. 30
The executives…………………………………….. 31
Business case Jedwabne………………………….. 32
Inter-Jewish negotiations…………………………. 34
With Germans, again……………………………… 35
Judeocentric European values…………………… 36
JPC connection……………………………………. 37
Properties and passports………………………….. 38
Civilisations at war……………………………….. 39
Polish-Jewish case………………………………… 40
Polska Golgota – 20th century 2nd largest genocide next to genocide of Russians 41
Cross-case conclusions…………………………… 42
Anti-Polonism, anti-Semitism, Holocaust Industry, , Judeocentric Power Complex Judeopolonia, Polska Golgota, propaganda, restitutions, revisionism, Shoah, victim-villain relations.
ADL Anti-Defamation League
AJC American Jewish Committee
CFR Council on Foreign Relations
EJC European Jewish Congress
GG Generalgouvernement – Gross Deutschland
GKBZH Chief Commission on Investigations into Nazi Crimes
GPO Generalplan Ost
IPN Institute of National Memory
JPC Judeocentric Power Complex
NGO non-governmental organization
OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
PAN Polish Academy of Sciences
PAPUREC Polish American Public Relations Committee
POW prisoner of war
SB Poland’s security agency after 1956
UB Poland’s security agency until 1956
WJC World Jewish Congress
WJRO World Jewish Restitution Organization
Several anonymus persons have contributed to this essay. The opinions herein are solely those of the authors.
Date convention: x.y.z, where x = day, y = month, z = year, for example, 24.3.1999 = March 24, 1999.
Reference at paragraph’s end refers to the whole paragraph, unless other references occur in it.
Judeocentric spin that Poles are WWII villains and Poland is “endemically inhospitable to Jews runs sharply counter to much of historical experience.” Local and international Jewry opposed Poland’s independence, and Jewish economic dominance and social alienation caused Polish anti-Semitism, exacerbating conflict when both nations sought independence. Anti-Polish Jews collaborated with Soviets and dominated Poland’s Communist regime. This essay explores the spin and concludes with comparison to the Balkan case.
Poles weren’t more anti-Jewish than other nations, but among Poles Jews developed to their largest cluster in the world, enjoying the greatest autonomy. In 300-1000, Jewish world population dwindled from three million to 0.5 million. Between granting of privileges to Jews in 1264 and the fall of Polish state in 1795, Jewish population on Polish lands grew a hundredfold (native Poles multiplied sixfold). By 1880, 80% of eight million world Jewry lived on the territory of former Poland. After establishing Talmudic rules that held non-Jews (goyim) as inferior, and while remaining unassimilated in host societies’ privileged classes, Jews retained classic Judaic ideology. 17th century Poles took the brunt of it; peasants hated Jews and rebelled because Jewish masters hated their serfs. Eastern European peasant rebellions resembled French and English reactions to Jewish exploitation of the masses and parasitic collaboration with landowners. Cited by Jewish Polonophobes, 17th century Chmielnicki pogroms were neither Polish nor specific to Jews. Chmielnicki, a Cossack, striven to form a Cossack state. His victories over Poles induced Ukraine serfs to kill Polish gentry and Jesuits. Chmielnicki sanctioned atrocities on Jews and Catholics.
Poles were anti-Nazi, anti-Communist and anti-Soviet, while these regimes’ elites were largely Jewish and/or received support of international Zionism. Anti-Polish Jews operated in Bolshevik organizations before WWII, and mainly as members of Soviet secret police NKVD and Soviet partizans during WWII. Jews commonly welcomed Soviet invasion and denounced and delivered Poles to NKVD murder and deportations, provoking Polish revenge which Jan Gross’ Neighbours misrepresents as “anti-Semitism”. Stalin exploited anti-Polonism and anti-Semitism to antagonize Soviet block nations and to help the Zionists drive Jews out to Palestine. Jewish allegiance to Soviets and massacres of Polish villages, incl. women and children, by Jewish Soviet partisans at places such as Naliboki and Koniuchy, couldn’t bode well for Polish-Jewish relations. Worse still, Jews led and staffed post-WWII Polish Communist regime and its terror machine.
Young Israelis increasingly blame Poles for Holocaust; Poland in their minds is “accursed”, “impure land”, and world’s “biggest Jewish cemetery”, leading them to “an over-simplified attitude to “the” Pole, and to a lack of distinction between past and present.” Anti-Polonism is part of JPC spin that distorts facts: (1) JPC has “a world-historic impact on the present and future of world peace and social justice”; (2) persecution of Palestinians amounts to genocide, or apartheid, as named in former president Carter’s book; (3) Jews constitute only a few percent of the victims of 20th century genocides; (4) during WWII more civilian Slavs perished than Jews; (5) extreme Jews and Jewish bankers have instigated, supported and executed wars and revolutions, including Communist violence since Bolshevik revolution, Nazi genocide on Jews and Slavs, and GWOT.
This essay briefs on historical background of Polish-Jewish relations. Pągowski’s speciality, Judeocentric terror and mass crimes on Poles, less known than Shoah, are outlined, before exploring anti-Polonism. The essay takes Jedwabne and Kielce crimes from among many JPC-distorted cases, and links them to Holocaust Industry. JPC link is also evident in a clash of Judeocentric and European values that symptomizes mass crime potential in Europe. Conclusions compare anti-Polonism with recent anti-Serbism, Bein’s specialty, in the context of demonisation and mass crimes.
Zionists reminded (1902) German government that millions of Jews in provinces annexed from Poland by Russia and Austria spoke Yiddish, “a popular German dialect”. Zionists proposed (1914) that German government create a “buffer state” from Riga to Odessa, where six million Jews would rule over the majority of Poles, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Lithuanians and Latvians. Zionist proponents warned against resurrection of Polish national state and Polish irredentism in the annexed territories. After World Zionist Organization opposed the concept, known as Judeopolonia since 19th century, German Jews were to become trustees of the eastern territories populated by Jews, should Germany occupy the lands. Having failed to get support of all German and Austrian Jews, German Zionists formed anti-Polish lobby while continuing to stress Jewish-German interests in Poland after 1916. Opposing the rebirth of Poland (1918), all Jewish organizations sought to make Poland a Jewish homeland and were trying to convince the world that 6 million Jews faced death in countries overtaken by WWI. Polish parliament’s Jewish coalition proposed (1920) Jewish parts of cities become “autonomous provinces”. Regardless, Poland’s philo-Semitic Marshal Piłsudski gave citizenship to hundreds of thousands Jewish refugees from USSR (1926); Jewish refugees in France remained stateless until WWII.
Foreign governments had debunked Polish “pogroms” spin. Had these “excesses” been organized, “the number of victims would have run into the thousands instead of amounting to about 280”. Poland had to fight six wars simultaneously to consolidate after partitions. Jews sided with Bolsheviks, whom Poles hated. Jewish victims were armed and died in combat.  Real pogroms in Ukraine killed thousands, but Jewish spin suppressed it. Had Poles been viciously anti-Semitic, Jews wouldn’t have fluorished. Just before WWII, 2.7 million Jews in Poland had 130 periodicals, 15 theatres, 266 elementary schools, 12 universities and 14 trade colleges. Political antisemitism and anti-Jewish economic policies didn’t limit their freedoms. Jews had own political organizations, schools and publications “relatively free of outside interference” and could “present their cause to the Sejm and before the court of public opinion.” Quality of life indicator, mortality per month per 1000 was 11 for Poles and 10.5 for Jews. By 1942, the Nazis boosted it to 22 for Poles and 120 for Jews; Warsaw Ghetto saw 50,000 dead per year; without death camps extermination would take 8 years.
Pre-war Jews were mostly Orthodox and cultivated isolation. The remainder were Zionists advocating Palestine homeland, and folkists and socialists in Bund. Half of Eastern Poland’s town population, and 25-40% in cities were Jews, as poor as the other nationalities were. Educated Jews dominated professions and commerce, having built economic hegemony over foreign-ruled Poland. More than 70% of those active in agriculture-related commerce were Jews. Since Jews constituted less than 10% of the population, distrust between shopkeepers and customers “grew during economic disturbances, when peasants received less for the goods they produced.”
Poles rejected Jewish demands for autonomy and sought to limit Jewish influence to alleviate poverty and unemployment during Great Depression. Jewish dominance eventually provoked economic boycotts and sporadic acts of violence. State policies aimed at expanding opportunities for Poles in Jewish-dominated fields. Polish National Democrats have called for Jewish emigration to bring number of Jews down to 2% of the general population, not the removal of all Jews that propaganda alleges. University enrolment limits restricted Jews to the same percentage as in the general population. Jews often murdered first. Otherwise, prejudices were mutual. Most Jews never supported Polish national goals; 1939 Nazi defeat of Poland wasn’t a “Jewish matter”, either. They saw a chance of autonomy in ghettos and turned against Poles during Soviet occupation, too.
Jews were Nazis’ victims, but both Nazis and Soviets victimized Poles. Many Jews collaborated with both oppressors. Nazis targeted Poles for genocide before Jews. In 1933-1939, Jews were excluded from German society through Nuremberg decrees, boycotts and the Kristallnacht pogrom, and miscellaneous forms of discrimination that forced Jews to emigrate to Palestine, in accord with Zionist plans.
Until 22.6.1941 attack on USSR, Nazis sought effective methods to cleanse Jews from the Reich and occupied lands, and concentrate in ghettos. Several mass murders were due to Jewish insubordination, but no planned extermination was implemented. On the contrary, in Fall 1939, a plan existed for Jewish quasi-state (with capital in Lublin, as in Judeopolonia concept) where Jews would enjoy cultural and economic privileges in exchange for fighting Poles. Shoah only began when Germany attacked USSR, becoming genocide (operation Reinhardt) after 20.1.1942 Wansee conference decision.
Jedwabne (population about 3000) in northeastern Poland illustrates terror sequence against both groups. Nazis captured Jedwabne (2.9.1939), only to give it up four weeks later to Soviets, who occupied it until 22.6.1941, when Wehrmacht attacked USSR. Soviets shot about 20 Jedwabne Poles, arrested about 250 for resistance activities, deported around 300 people, incl. up to 10 Jews, to Gulag where about 50 of them died. At least 100 young Poles and Jews were forcibly taken into Red Army. Jedwabne area remained under Nazis (25.6.1941-26.1.1945) who burned to death up to 400 local Jews in July 1941, and shot and gassed about 300 in Treblinka, beginning in November 1942. Nazis killed at least 220 Poles: about 120 out of hundreds of Poles sent from Jedwabne area perished in labour and concentration camps; about 60 seniors were shot apparently to eliminate the need to feed them; 16 Jews and Polish family who hid them were shot in 1943. Red Army soldiers shot and burned alive 41 peasants (31.12.1944) for sheltering a Wehrmacht deserter. WWII destroyed about 10% of Jedwabne; at least 50 properties were seriously damaged. In Jedwabne parish, 13 out of 38 villages were destroyed; out of 532 farmsteads affected, 232 were razed.
Hitler had non-aggression pact with Poland, but after Poland refused to jointly attack USSR, he conquered Poland under a pact with Stalin. Being as significant historically as the Polish fending off Soviet 1920 invasion against Western Europe was, the refusal saved Soviets in 1939 and spelled Western Europe’s future. In coordination with German invasion of Western Poland (1.9.1939), Soviets invaded (17.9.1939) Eastern Poland (Kresy). Both invaders signed a secret provision (28.9.1939) on extermination of Polish leaders, and enforced it until German attack on USSR. The invaders prevented potential Polish adversary actions. Nazi genocide of Poles included malnutrition and starvation, reduction of fertility, limitation of schooling to elementary, encouragement of abortion, and mental and moral degradation, beside pacifications with guns, grenades and fire.
At the base of Nazi genocide lay Untermensch concept – Slavs, Jews and Gypsies, inferior to German-Nordic race. The majority of pre-WWII Poland’s Jews were concentrated in smaller towns, and in own districts in large cities. It was expedient for Nazis to separate Jews into ghettos, and to kill them in places like Jedwabne Before systematic liquidation of Jews, “Germans knew they had to first terrorize Poles” and started mass execution of Poles. Mass resettlement would have exacted a high death toll, Poles’ resistance would trigger terror for obedience. Nazis repeatedly stated that all Poles must be destroyed, not merely relocated, “leaving the fate of European Jewry far less sharply defined”. Nazi anti-Jewish violence was as fierce; gen. Blaskowitz wrote to von Brauchitsch (February 1940) that it provoked in Poles “deep disgust with their perpetrators” and “profound pity” for Jews.
Jewish and Slavic forced workers’ fate was similar. Manpower shortages made Himmler postpone Endlösung and preserve labour slaves. Polish and Czech intelligentsia were exterminated, and genocide of Slavs intensified after German invasion of USSR; Soviet civilians and POWs were treated like Jews. Slavs and Jews couldn’t be all exterminated together; there were too many Slavs in the east to allow Germans to move in. Hitler, Himmler and Bach-Zelewski discussed initial extermination plans for 30 million Slavs. Methods were being developed for sterilization of thousands daily, with some 3 million Soviet POWs to be the first large-scale victims. Even an anti-Polish Jewish author alluded that Nazi occupation in Poland (“exceptionally ruthless and severe”, “unremitting reign of terror”) had been more severe than in Lithuania, Ukraine and Byelorussia, and especially Western Europe, including the Netherlands. Germans first applied industrial genocide to Poles. In little-known KL Warschau death camp, some 200,000 Poles were gassed and cremated.
Polish forced labourers had to wear identification patch before Jews had to. In the first two years of Nazi occupation, Poles were more likely to be killed than Jews, and therefore disguised themselves as Jews. Head of Warsaw Ghetto’s Nazi-appointed council (Judenrat), Adam Czerniakow wrote in his diary (8.5.1940) that some Poles were “beginning to wear Jewish armbands” to avoid being impressed for labor in Germany. Ghetto Jews awaited re-settlement to a suitable region; ghetto councils and Jewish police co-operated with Nazis, counting on a satisfactory solution. Creation of Warsaw Ghetto uprooted “113,000 Poles, and 138,000 Jews […] 11,567 non-Jewish apartments in the Jewish district and some 13,800 Jewish apartments in the rest of the city were surrendered.” Poles cooperated with Jews to thwart German starvation plans for the ghetto: “The German plan, to starve the Jews to death quickly, was foiled” as thousands Jews and Gentiles engaged in smuggling. Czerniakow mentioned Treblinka while it had only been used as labour camp for mostly Poles, and wrote (1.7.1940) that Jews were not initially targeted for extermination but were to be resettled to Madagascar. Brutalities of Nazi occupation corrupted both Poles and Jews; Czerniakow condemned Nazi-subservient Jews: “informers, extortionists, and underworld figures who degraded and corrupted the ghetto.”
Eastern Poland’s Jews intending to go to German-occupied zone were sent to Siberia. Many Jews collaborated with Soviets. Jan Karski, whom Yad Vashem distinguished for delivery of Shoah message to the West, reported to Polish government-in-exile that very frequently Jews denounced Poles to Gestapo and covertly directed Communist militia. Hundreds of published accounts, also Jewish, confirm that Jews were involved in roundups of Polish soldiers and officers, and in jailing, executions and deportations of Poles. Soviets deported over a million Poles from Eastern Poland..
German invasion of USSR made things worse for Jews and Poles. Jewish Soviet chief of security, Lavrenty Beria, ordered executions of 40,000 Polish citizens in NKVD prisons. Reinhold Heydrich ordered executions of Soviet partisans, political leaders of military and guerilla units, and Kresy Jews. A study found anti-Jewish police operations with German, Ukrainian and Latvian functionaries intentionally speaking Polish, “to create a conviction that Poles are the perpetrators against Jews”. Before Endlösung, Jews and Gentiles perished in similar ways. A quarter of Jews and Poles murdered were children. A small sample that doesn’t include bombing of refugees, documents German atrocities on civilians, including women and children: burning alive and burning of victims’ bodies in barns and buildings and on wood piles after killing by gunfire and/or grenades. Two of 16 cases (1.9.1939-1.10.1939, at least 803 persons killed) included POWs and wounded soldiers, and five included Jews. 236 Poles and Jews were shot in Gaworowo synagogue and burned. Germans surrounded Mielec synagogue, bath-house and slaughter-house, led 35 Jews in, and put fire to it. Mielec was searched for Jews for two days, while fire raged. 37 cases (18.3.1942 – 5.2.1945, 36 involved burning) killed at least 1804 people, children included most of the time. Four cases had Jewish victims beside Poles or were identified as punishment of Poles for helping Jews. More than 1500 inmates were burned alive in Radogoszcz in January 1945.
After Wansee (20.1.1942), death transports of Jews began. Rather than turn over thousands of Jews to Treblinka, Czerniakow committed suicide (July 1942). Nazi anti-Polish terror intensified within GPO; Wehrmacht would bring lands up to Ural under Nazi control, and would populate it with German and Nordic stock, “resettling” or killing 51 million inhabitants. GPO envisaged exporting food to the Reich from occupied lands, while starving Eastern Europe for colonization. Millions non-Jewish Russian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian and Polish civilians died under Nazis. Over 4 million Soviet POWs succumbed to hunger, disease or executions. Wehrmacht data indicates 5.16 million Soviet POWs up to Spring 1944, plus 0.2 million till war’s end; 1 million survived. Over half million Jews died in ghettos, of hunger and diseases. Surviving Jews died in death camps.
Anti-Jewish measures were demographic policy; had Germans won the war, Poles would have suffered the same fate; in Germany, Poles already wore a “distinguishing badge in which the “P” replaced the Jewish star”. Jews were to be extirpated before war’s end; while Poles were to slave for Germans before sharing Jewish fate. SS Brigadeführer Dr. Schongarth didn’t believe Poles and Jews were “unequal victims”; oppression of Poles “has never been borne by any other nation.” In A History of the Holocaust, Jewish historian Yehuda Bauer acknowledged Nazi “selective genocide” of 3 million Poles and that “practically no political figures in Poland cooperated politically” with Nazis. Jewish partisan’s memoirs refer to Polish militia that briefly served Germans after 1941 invasion, “arresting those who had worked for the Soviets”. Later, Germans shot the militia along with Jews, and Poles continued to serve Germans under duress: “If [Polish guard] dared show any mercy to the Jews, [Germans] would shoot him or send him to a concentration camp.” Many crimes by Soviet and Jewish bands, incl. killings of fugitive Jews, are blamed on Polish Underground who ordered liquidation of bandits preying on Polish farmers. Bandit Soviet soldiers who had been trapped behind German lines after 1941 invasion impersonated Polish Underground to discredit them. After Soviet “liberation” of Poland (1944), NKVD invited Jewish “partisans” to join. 
Władysław Bartoszewski, one of the first of Polish citizens distinguished in Polish-Jewish relations, confirmed Jewish unawareness of Endlösung, quoting Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw on Judenrat’s discounting of Polish warnings about “liquidation of at least 300,000 Jews”, received after “most solemn” German assurances. Ironically, Judenrat considered the warnings “harmful and absurd.” After Wansee, Nazi government invited bids for industrialized death equipment; terrorized Jews would staff the extermination process. To maintain secrecy, the death camps were isolated from Polish population, and guarded by Byelorussians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians and Germans. Polish Underground broke through the secrecy and sent regular radio reports to the West.
Unlike in Nazi-occupied Western Europe, helping Jews in Poland was punishable by death of the helper and family.
Council of Assistance to Jews (Żegota), Europe’s largest Jew rescue organization, was established in Warsaw (4.12.1942), funded by Polish government-in-exile who urgently appealed to Roosevelt and Churchill (12.12.1942) to stop genocide. For more effective pressure, the Polish government co-opted a Jewish Bund activist from Poland, Shmuel Zigelboim, after he travelled through Germany to a forum in Brussels where he conveyed “authentic news of the torture and murder camp into which the Nazis had transformed an isolated Poland.” Allies and world Jewry have done nothing, yet some Jewish writers accuse Poles of delayed warning, and Polish government – of downplaying Jewish deaths out of fear they would eclipse Polish deaths. Żegota provided over 100,000 Jews with living quarters, documents, food, and medical and financial aid. It funded weapons for Jewish resistance. World Jewish organizations refused to support delivery of overseas food to ghettos, even though this wouldn’t break Allies’ boycott of Hitler.
By 1943, Polish sabotage, commando raids, killing Nazi butchers, and liquidation of Polish and Jewish collaborators increasingly punished German atrocities. A Nazi report described capture and execution of dozens of Polish “bandits” and “terrorists” for helping Jews. Detecting blackmailers “was frequently well-nigh impossible” and fighting them “extremely difficult”, so criticisms of the Underground are groundless. Warsaw ghetto fighters received meagre amounts of arms, because only 17, incomplete British airdrops reached Polish resistance instead of promised 100. Until the early 1943 Jewish combat in Warsaw, Poles were reluctant to donate their scarce firearms, because Jews didn’t want to fight Germans at the height of 1942 deportations. Underground actions for the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, e.g. unsuccessful attempts to blast holes in ghetto walls for Jews to escape, or armed Polish assistance to Jews elsewhere, notably Lvov, remain little known. SS punished assistance to fugitive Jews. Confronted with their own tragedy, horrific destitution under German rule, and death penalty for so little as not informing Germans about concealed Jews, thousands of private Poles nevertheless helped thousands of Jews survive.
It took several Poles to save a Jew. Yad Vashem recognized only a fraction of them, yet Poles, including children, are the largest distinguished group, belying claims of rampant Polish anti-Semitism. Poles who have been paid to help Jews are ineligible for Yad Vashem medal, whereas Danes, who have been incomparably better well-off under German occupation and took hefty fees for shipping Jews to Sweden, are eligible. Over 60,000 of Warsaws’s 700,000 Gentiles were rescuing Jews in the Ghetto Uprising. Over 600 Catholic institutions throughout Poland recorded assistance to Jews. A Jewish author lauded Polish rescuers for “close to legendary” “outstanding humanity” and “courage, fortitude, and lofty humanitarianism unequalled in other occupied countries”, shown despite “unbearable risks” and severe economic hardships. According to Yad Vashem professor Yisrael Gutman, editor of Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, “infinitesimally small” percentage of Poles collaborated with the Nazis. Polish resistance warned that to assist in the guarding of Jews upon German enticements was treason, but noted that Germans might force Polish police to participate. Not Polish but Jewish police with the Judenrat aided Warsaw Ghetto deportations. Jewish imates at a Nazi labour camp testified on only Jew-friendly attitudes and actions of local Poles and no Poles informing on escaped Jews.
Wrongly equated with Jew-killing, Ukrainian and Baltic units, Polish police was an anti-criminal force; 90% were Underground members. Individual policemen collaborated in killing Poles and Jews, so the Underground killed some of them. Contrary to suggestions in “Schindler’s List” movie, Nazis did not rely on Polish police for roundups of Jews. Nazis didn’t need Germans for deportations of Jews to death camps, either. Isaiah Trunk and Hannah Arendt pointed out that Jewish councils and police carried out these orders. Another Jewish researcher adduced shortage of Germans: “only fifty SS personnel and 200 Lett and Ukrainian auxiliaries were assigned to the Warsaw Ghetto which had a population of 500,000 at its peak, almost all of whom perished.”
Some Jews commanded Polish Underground and Jewish resistance. In Forgotten Holocaust, Lukas explained the hostility between Underground’s Gentiles and Jews by Jewish ties to Communism. Warsaw Ghetto Uprising commander Yitzhak Zuckerman warned Pole-haters and praised Żegota. He recalled Warsaw Jewish guerillas’ last message to New York Jewry: “in the darkest moments of our history you failed to help us. Respond! This is our last call.” Jewry failed and JPC only shows Polish betrayers of Jews. Jewish ghetto police inflicted more sufferings; Jewish blackmailers accosted Zuckerman about as frequently as Polish ones. Contrary to the image of a Polish girl cheering the deportation of Jews in “Schindler’s List”, Zuckerman admitted that Communist Jews had triggered Polish anti-Semitism, and recounted many Poles crying as they saw Warsaw Ghetto burn; primarily criminals rejoiced. Jewish Żagiew betrayed Jewish resistance – Polish Underground ties. Pretending persecution, Żagiew members asked Poles to help, “only to betray the helpers to Gestapo”. The government-in-exile listed over 1200 Jewish collaborators; “what has the attitude of Poles to fugitive Jews been expected to be?”
Many Jews continued anti-Polish terror in Communist Poland’s state security UB that controlled life in post-WWII Poland. Soviet-trained UB police couldn’t speak Polish; their low character mattered in terror and “pogroms”. Polish thugs, ex-convicts, and Polish-speaking Germans, former members of SS and NSDAP, were hand-picked to support UB, who killed incomparably more Poles than Poles killed Jews in pre-WWII “pogroms”, WWII Jedwabne-type killings, and post-war “pogroms” and property-related killings. Jewish Communists (Żydokumuna), many under Polish names, shadowed government, party and institutional positions to control Poles. This legacy still prevents Polish self-determination. Jewish influence was abnormal, since Jews constituted about 1% of post-war Poland’s population; it’s similar in US now. Jews occupied “key positions in the Ministry of Public Security [a fact] little known in the West and Polish Jews rarely mention it”; “the two most powerful men in the country – Berman and Minc – were both Jewish as was the dreaded security official Różański.” Jewish prominence in post-WWII ruling elite caused Poles’ ideological anti-Semitism.
Żydokumuna resembled Lenin’s structures; only 1.77% of USSR population was Jewish, but Communist party, central committee, and Politburo disproportionately comprised Jews. A list of Jewish sources notes reports in US National Archives, Scotland Yard and British Foreign Office on Jewish control of Bolshevik Revolution, many in books. The proportion was higher (e.g. Byelorussia) where 19th century tsarists policies had overpopulated Eastern Europe with Russian-speaking Jews (Litvaks). Conflicts with host nations continued, as Jews worked for Soviets in responsible positions, and as agents and informants, “exploiting the people with indescribable brutality and delivering them to the NKVD”.
1930s Poland’s Communist party had 35% Jewish members. Żydokumuna’s domination peaked after WWII, when pre-war Communists, who abhorred anti-Semitism, took over party leadership, bringing sufferings on Poles and Jews alike (e.g. Kielce pogrom). Żydokumuna’s apologists estimates only up to 10% of 1918 Poland’s Jews being Bolshevik, but it dwarfs Polish participation. Jewish membership and high-medium level functionaries influenced many supporters. Jewish popular vote for post-war Communism was fourfold that of the Jewish fraction of Poland’s pre-war population. Also, a large number of Jews attacked Poles in 1920 Polish-Bolshevik War and 1939-1941 Soviet conquest. Excuses that Jews have clung to Soviets for fear of the Nazis, are disingenuous. In 1939, most Polish Jews regarded Germans as cultured and not anti-Semitic. Some Polish Jews welcomed Nazis, and attempted to flee Soviet-occupied for Nazi-occupied Poland.
NKVD staged pogroms to drive Jews to Israel and show that Poles murdered Jews Nazi-like, so that West should leave Poland to Soviets. Another goal was to divert the attention of foreign reporters from brutal Sovietization and tampering with elections in Poland. Soviets knew that Poles would fight Soviet domination, so Żydokumuna was installed to make Polish opponents appear anti-Semitic, i.e. “fascists” guilty of colaboration with the Nazis, deserving punishment. Because Soviets didn’t trust Poles and Żydokumuna weren’t loyal to Poland, they were tasked with running the country and liquidation of Polish resistance. Some of the 300,000 Jews, who returned to Poland after WWII, together with 175,000 Soviet Jews, created Żydokumuna; Jews ran UB, whose chief] was Jakub “Berman, a Jew, and all or almost all the department heads were Jews”; 75% of UB officers in Silesia were Jews.
After German attack on USSR, Berman escaped from Soviet-occupied Poland to USSR to train activists for the Polish Communist party. Berman, Stalin’s right hand in Poland, was responsible for UB, propaganda, ideology, terror and repressions of half a million members of WWII and post-war Polish Underground and the Catholic clergy until 1956. On Stalin’s orders, Berman nominated Jewish directors to state security that killed tens of thousands of Poles in prisons, mostly anti-Nazi fighters. Berman said in late 1980s: “I was against too large a concentration of Jews in certain institutions; it wasn’t the right thing to do and it was a necessary evil that we’d been forced into when we took power”. Another Jew from the former Polish regime, Roman Werfel said “there were too many Jews in the security services, because we hadn’t considered the security services in that light.” Berman urged in 1945: “Jews now have the opportunity to grasp the totality of Poland’s state life and to control it, without occupying visible positions”; Jews should form shadow positions in government, propaganda and central institutions of the industry, banks, commerce and co-operatives, adopt Polish names and cover up their ancestry: “we must sit behind the backs of Poles, but control everything.” Jewish “builders of the new, democratic Poland” to “staff the most important spheres of Poland’s life” in “main urban centres” were Soviet-trained Polish Jews from USSR cities (“Kharkov – 36,200, Kiev – 17,300, Moscow – 53,000, Leningrad – 61,000, in Western republics – 184,730”).
Berman also said “the old Jewish politics didn’t work”, but new thrust of the USSR, “a great friend and protector of the Jewish nation”, integrated “the Jewish national goals with the Soviet policy” by creating “a power apparatus from representatives of Jewish population in Poland”. Thus, the Nazi-Soviet intelligence aimed at overpowering Poles by Jews. As with the Soviet mass crimes, Western media ignore Żydokomuna’s terror. In 1944-1956, the regime killed 40-70,000, deported 100,000 to the Gulag, and imprisoned at least 668,000 Polish patriots, Catholics and clergy, not counting those intermittently intimidated with jailing. About 300 concentration and slave labour camps processed at least 250,000 Poles. Between July 1944 and January 1947, 400-700 Jews were killed in Poland in the hands of Polish insurgents, Ukrainian partisans, local mobs, criminals, Polish Communists and Soviets – due to anti-Semitism, Communist orientation, crime and traffic accidents. The Jewish victims were only 1-2% of the post-WWII Jewish population of 25,000-50,000 in Poland. Jews were more prone to be killed for presence in Żydokomuna. In Kresy, Poles were also terrorized; in the Nowogród region, Soviets killed 3,000 and arrested 13,000 Underground soldiers, and sent more than 20,000 Poles to Gulag (1944-1947). Żydokomuna’s former insider cited 80-200,000 Poles and about 1,600 Jews killed under Żydokomuna.
According to Jewish defendant of Palestinians’ rights, Israel Shahak, Soviet, Nazi and Israeli terror stems from Talmudic contempt for non-Jews. Jews themselves lived under the terror of rabbis over until mid-19th century. Christian scholars developed bitterness for the anti-goyim attitude, and popes condemned Judaism and Talmud for it. Jewish propaganda calls Gentile critics “anti-Semites”, and critical Jews “self-haters”. Since WWII, propaganda associates “anti-Semitism” with fascism and Nazism. It isn’t just a European phenomenon. In 1942-1944, AJC and ADL engineered indictments on charges of anti-Semitism and sedition against 29 anti-Communist “fascists and Nazis”. Judge Laws dismissed the case, “a travesty of justice”. In Communist press, the “sedition trial” was part of “Moscow Purge trials”.
Bolsheviks hated Christian, “bourgeoisie” enemies of the state: tsarist army officers, aristocrats, peasant farmers and intelligentsia. Bolsheviks and Communists destroyed Russia’s, and later Eastern Europe’s Christians, slaying millions of people since 1918. The repressions only eased when Stalin needed people to fight in WWII. The number of churches in USSR dwindled from 54,000 to under 500 (1918-1938); 600 bishops, 40,000 priests, and 120,000 monks and nuns were murdered. Alexander Solzhenitsyn was branded anti-Semite and liar for writing about Bolshevik Jews, their terror, Gulag and purges. Yeltsin’s special assistant with access to Soviet archives quoted Lenin that Jews made the best revolutionaries. Because a disproportionate number of Jews in Eastern Europe had sided with Soviets, Nazis exploited local feelings against Communists, Soviets and Jews, and disguised killing of Jews as anti-Bolshevik crusade.
Stalin was a disposable facade behind his party deputy, Lazar Kaganovich and his cousin Beria, secret service head. Both descended from Khazars who had converted to Judaism since the 7th century. Kaganovich ordered destruction of Moscow’s majestic Church of Christ the Saviour, and Ukrainian famine.
Propaganda justifies Jewry-Nazi collaboration by a save-some-Jews-by-betraying-others argument, but half of Jews could have saved themselves if they hadn’t “followed the instructions of the Jewish councils”. Shonfeld documented that Zionist elites, “the Jewish war criminals”, helped Nazis annihilate “6 million of our brothers” towards creating Israel: “Zionist attitude that Jewish blood is an anointing oil required by the drive-wheel of the Zionist state is not a thing of the past, but persists to date.” Livneht and Vrba admitted Zionist rescued only some Jews for transfer to Israel; emigration limits were “a political factor in our battle for the promised land […] we were prepared to endanger and sacrifice lives.” Naming Israel’s first interior minister Yitzhak Greenbaum, and WJC president Nachum Goldmann, Shonfeld alleged that WWII Zionist leaders followed this policy, by usurping representation of all Jews and controlling funds and information. Hence the leaders are responsible for inaction in Shoah, e.g. Committee for Rescue of Jews chairman Greenbaum was silent about Shoah and sabotaged all efforts by groups trying to help Jews. Rabbi Weissmandl investigated only some cases in his book Min HaMetzar.
Jewish US statesman Stuart Eizenstat said that attempts to influence Roosevelt towards protecting European Jews were futile, as the Jewry lacked organization to influence politics, and didn’t have “much inclination to do so in view of its problematic position”. By 1944, US treasury secretary, a prominent Jew known from an objective assessment of post-WWI allegations of pogroms in Poland, Henry Morgenthau persuaded Roosevelt to create a War Refugee Board devoted to rescue of Jews, but Jews in senior administration positions and in Congress didn’t “encourage the president to make public statements or take actions” to protect Jews. Also excuses that Nazi-Zionist collaboration was “pragmaticism” dictated by Shoah reality, are groundless. Nazis embraced radical Zionism in 1933; lower-level leaders followed Zionist policy. Merin and Moldetzky helped annihilate East Silesian Jews at rates more efficient than elsewhere. Many young Jews were to be saved from Vilno ghetto; Jewish guerilla leader Abba Kovner saved only a few and refused aid to fugitive Jews. De facto head of Aid and Rescue Committee, Rudolf Kastner knew about the impending gassing of 476,000 Hungarian Jews, but in exchange for silence made a deal for the sparing of 1,684 Jews, including money that enabled Eichmann to escape to Argentina.
Jewish police hated religious Jews and surpassed the Nazis. In the roundup of Warsaw Jews for death camps, Ukrainian police failed to find hiding-places; “this job was assigned to the Jewish police who often enough cashed in on their finds by extorting money”. Among Jewish collaborators in Poland, Lithuania, Hungary and Roumania, Shonfeld named Chaim Rumkovsky, “the ghetto king” in Łódź, who treated Jews “with cruelty of a manic tyrant” and organized transports to death “without a shade of compassion”; Jewish police came from “the underworld and from Maskilim – a social group that condemned others for traditional dress and lack of enlightenment”; they carried out their duties “with zeal and cruelty unknown to their German commanders”; “Jewish organization of Russian Communists and kapo in ghettos and camps lived this maniac hatred of Jewish tradition and to those who carried it.”
Poles’ oppressors were Nazis (who also instigated extremist Ukrainians and Lithuanians), Soviets and Żydokomuna. Before, during and after WWII, Poles were targeted with many forms of genocide, were ethnically cleansed, enslaved, persecuted politically, tortured, imprisoned, forced into disappearance, and suffered as yet uncounted material and cultural losses. Poles call it Polska Golgota (Polish Golgotha). Public education, mass crime prevention, and villain-victim reconciliation would benefit from Polska Golgota museums no less than from Shoah memory.
Conquest and genocide first target victim group’s leaders, intelligentsia, and material and spiritual base. Nazis and Soviets jointly planned to, and murdered, the bulk of Polish intelligentsia and patriots. No other European nation suffered comparable loss from planned intellicide. From 1939 to mid-1941, Soviets murdered more Polish citizens than did Nazis in the same period. Before WWII, ethnic Poles in Germany and the USSR were murdered and persecuted. After WWI, Soviets murdered 1.25-1.5 million USSR Poles, deported over a million Polish citizens to Gulag, and exterminated still uncounted number of citizens of pre-WWII, multi-national Poland. Some 1.5 million Poles perished of hunger and murder in 1930s Ukrainian famine. Nazis killed unknown number of ethnic Poles before WWII in Eastern Germany.
Soviet genocide of Poles continued after WWII, both in Poland through UB, and in USSR through NKVD. How many Poles (and other nations of pre-war Poland incorporated into USSR) perished, is not certain. Katyń massacre (1940) is the most known of numerous mass murders of tens of thousands of the cream of Polish society. Poland would be different if “the Soviets together with the Germans had not deprived it of its most enlightened citizens”. The next generation was raised by “opportunists, traitors, and betrayers”.
No one has been punished for Soviet intellicide ( Act of killing. Eg:”We live in an Age of Intellicide”). Yad Vashem has refused to include Polish-Jewish victims of Katyń in its purview, even though a substantial part of Poland’s intelligentsia was Jewish. Poland had the following minorities beside 24 million Poles in 1931: Ukrainians (5.1 million), Jews (3.1 million), Byelorussians (2 million), Germans (0.8 million), others (0.4 million). Most of Kresy’s population (13,283,000) was non-Polish: 5,300,000 Poles, 4,582,000 Ukrainians, 1,156,000 Jews, 1,366,000 Byelorussians and Ruthenians (Lemki), and 1,009,000 others. WWII loss data for the groups is not available. Pre-war Poland had about 3.5 million Jews. Kresy’s many non-Poles were Orthodox Christians. Out of around 4 million of them in pre-war Poland, only about 300,000 remained after WWII within the new borders of Poland. In Operation Wisła (1.5.1947 – 16.8.1947) that aimed at fragmentation of Orthodox Christians, under the pretext of liquidating a base for Ukrainian extremist activities, Żydokumuna expelled some 140,000 pre-war Orthodox Polish citizens, mainly Ukrainians. They followed millions of Poles from Kresy.
Germany invaded almost half of Poland’s territory (21 million people), treating it as war trophy taken from sub-humans, to be exploited. Half of Nazi-invaded territory and population became part of the Third Reich, while up to a border that bi-sected Poland pursuant to Nazi-Soviet pact, Nazis created (26.10.1939) a Generalgouvernement (GG), Reich’s source of food and resources. Industrial equipment and materials were plundered and production was adapted to war needs. Farmers had to fill high quota. Nazis practiced in GG what later became genocidal GPO.
1939-1941 Soviet occupation considered Kresy a lasting trophy (201,000 km2, more than 13 million people). USRR incorporated Kresy into republics of Byelorussia, Ukraine and Lithuania (1-2.11.1939). After German invasion of USSR, Germany occupied whole Poland, and Kresy was partly incorporated into Reich, GG was expanded east-south to cover 145,000 km2 and 16,6 million people, and the remainder became two new occupation districts.
Intellicide started with ethnic Poles on Reich-incorporated lands. Operation Tannenberg (May 1939) listed over 61,000 names of Polish intelligentsia and activists. 2,000 activists were murdered in August. In the first two months of Hitler’s attack on Poland, Einsatzgruppen and Wehrmacht killed 20,100 Poles in over 760 mass murders. Small GPO envisioned emptying Slav lands for colonization. Einsatzgruppen embarked on murders of intelligentsia, “special actions” in cities, and pacifications, killing 51,000 more Polish elites, and suspects of collaboration with the resistance until mid-1941. By June 1942, Small GPO became Large GPO, a long-term Germanization plan of extermination, deportation to Siberia and enslaving the remaining 14 million Slavs (85% Poles in that number).
In a model GPO operation in GG Zamość district, Odilo Globocnik expelled 110,000 residents from 297 villages to slave labour and concentration camps, 30,000 children among them. It was a Nazi policy to steal “racially valuable” children, obliterate their identity and give for adoption to German families. 200,000 Polish children were stolen this way, and only 30,000 were recovered after the war. The Nuremberg Tribunal declared child stealing a form of genocide.
Jews participated in Soviet genocide that arrested and deported over a million Poles to Gulag. Private property was expropriated and confiscated, farmers had to join collectives, church and religious organizations were persecuted, while schools, universities, cultural institutions and media were indoctrinated. Persons accused of tax or farm quota evasion, families of the arrested and others were sent to USSR in unknown numbers to unknown fate. Starting in Summer 1941, on Beria’s orders, 40,000 Polish POWs, police and government officials detained in several NKVD prisons and concentration camps were murdered. Most of the victims were Polish officers, since in pre-war Poland every able and educated man was an army officer. They retreated with Polish army before advancing Germans, but into Soviet hands. By contrast, Wehrmacht imprisoned Polish officers in POW camps, saving them from Gestapo.
Through political police and military terror, both invaders strove at breaking the will to resist and establishing a new social order. Both invaders implemented terror aimed at destruction of the elite and transformation of the Polish nation. Nazis rounded up their victims in mass street arrests, executed them summarily, interrogated in prisons, murdered at execution sites, and sent survivors to concentration camps. Nazis set a terror rule of group responsibility. Nazis made Poles into labour force, and Soviets aimed at establishing Communist order among Poles, Jews, Byelorussians, Ukrainians, and Lithuanians in Eastern Poland. NKVD repressions affected mostly Poles. Soviet invader left only pre-war Communist party and subservient groups. Both invaders dissolved most of the Polish administration and political parties, closed cultural and educational institutions and organizations, and took over state, national and public property. They plundered or destroyed objects of Polish art and culture, most of which are still abroad or unaccounted for.
Poles had to accept Soviet citizenship in Kresy. Germanization was forced on Poles incorporated into Reich. Those who refused and Jews were deported to GG, or to forced labour, and German settlers filled their place. Nearly 3 million Poles slaved in 1939-1945 Germany. Food was rationed. While a German received over 2300 calories per day, a Pole received 700, and a Jew 400. Black market flourished, despite death penalty.
Roosevelt and Churchill betrayed Poland at 1943 Tehran conference, a year before Warsaw Uprising (often confused with 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising), by giving Poland to Soviets. Allied military operations destroyed and plundered German territories that later became Polish; Allied carpet bombing and Soviet artillery destroyed 65% of buildings and 95% of industry in German city of Stettin that Poland inherited after the war. Soviets dismantled and took to USSR all useable industrial facilities and equipment. They took stolen objects of Polish art from Germany.
Jewish migrations between Poland, USSR, the West and Palestine, and apparent losses due to mass changes of religion and names, remain un-researched. The forerunner of GKBZH estimated pre-war Poland’s Jewish population at 2.7 million, and added about 200,000 Jews from Germany and Austria who received Polish citizenship. Beside Litvaks, post-WWI immigrants in Europe included Russians and Poles, whom German administration classified also as “Jews”, thereby increasing Jewish population in Germany and on occupied lands. Nazis later delivered “Jewish” Slavs to concentration camps as “Jude”. Frank estimated the number of assimilated Jews (Mischehen and Mischlinge, according to Nazi laws) and their spouses (but not Poles or Russians) at 20-30% of the total population in his GG.
Nuremberg Tribunal indicted Nazis for extermination of racial and national groups, “particularly Jews, Poles, and Gypsies”. Hitler’s victory could mean still more victims. 1946 Nuremberg sentence stated Poland’s losses at 12 million citizens (33% of pre-war population), compared to census data at 11.5-12.6 million”. German law forbids doubting Wilhelm Hoettel’s Nuremberg Trials depositions regarding 6 million Jews murdered (4 million in concentration camps), but permits negating the verdict in Supreme Command of Wehrmacht trial at US Military Tribunal in Nuremberg (February – October 1948) that also referred to Poland’s loss of a third of population.
Under Soviet influence that Western Allies assented, the Tribunal falsely blamed all losses on Nazis. With pre-war population of about 35.5 million, and the 1945 estimate at about 23.2 million, the number of Polish citizens lost during WWII to all oppressors and causes would be twice the 1946 Soviet-Żydokomuna figure of 6,028,000. About half of the total were Jews, creating a “deficit” of Poles killed in Auschwitz and increasing the number of Jews for German compensations. Polish-Swiss restitution negotiations assumed 2 million Polish Jews as Shoah victims.
Since 5.7.1945, when Polish Communist government gained Western Allies’ recognition, losses that had occurred on former Kresy were considered USSR losses, depriving Poland of German war reparations. Considering all possible Soviet manipulations, there’s still a deficit of 2 million Polish citizens who either “disappeared” from Kresy or died in Auschwitz. After extracting Polish Jews killed by Nazis, and few hundred thousand Polish soldiers, Poles constitute a large group of Nazi and Soviet victims. Polska Golgota victims also include about 1.5 million Poles exterminated on USSR lands before WWII, an unknown number of ethnic Poles killed by Nazis before WWII in Eastern German lands, Poles forced to German armed forces, and those killed by Ukrainian and Lithuanian extremists in 1941-1947.
Ukrainians continue to blame the victims, Soviet bands and a fictitious Ukrainian-Polish war for OUN-UPA atrocities, even though many survivors identify them as Ukrainian neighbours. Hundreds of thousands Poles may have been murdered, but the toll seems underestimated; 1992 forensic digs at Ostrowska in Wołyń uncovered several hundred more skeletons than wartime estimates. Ukrainian explaining the atrocities away with “It was war” or “It was their land” is insincere; OUN-UPA mass-murdered civilians, incl. children and females, and territorial disputes don’t routinely involve genocide, e.g. Polish majority never thought to exterminate Czech minority in quarrels over Trans-Olza (Zaolzie). Regarding Poles-started-it-at-Zamość myth, Polish guerilla attacks on Ukrainian (and German) settlements had targeted Globocnik’s replacement of Poles with collaborators – certainly not a genocide of civilians. A small fraction of Wołyń and eastern Galicia Poles were landlords; the average Polish peasant had only 2.5 ha more than his Ukrainian counterpart. In response to a much-larger wave of OUN-sponsored arsons and assassinations of Poles and anti-separatist Ukrainians prior to OUN-UPA genocide, 1930 Polish pogrom of Ukrainians left a handful of deaths. League of Nations refused to condemn Polish nation for it. Honest Ukrainians are hope for dialogue and reconciliation. Ukrainian president Leonid Kravchuk admitted OUN-UPA genocide. Kiev professors Zaturenski and Cherednychenko condemned national heroes, OUN-UPA, and opposed its rehabilitation.
Soviet exterminations and persecutions in Poland continued until 1956, but the perpetrators falsified data and allegedly helped “transfer” Polish victim statistics to Soviet accounts. The same control suppressed original work of competent historians associated with Polish government-in-exile. Polish losses on Soviet territory remain unpublished. Stalin strove to increase to 22 million the initially declared loss of 7.5 million Soviet citizens in 1941-1945, incl. 4 million of POWs. On Stalin’s orders, UB and NKVD participated in the calculation of Poland’s losses, covering up deportations of Polish Underground soldiers to Gulag and NKVD prisons after Soviet “liberation”.
Two supposedly identical documents at Polish Central Bureau of Statistics are contradictory regarding 1946-1947 data, which undermines 1994 PAN publication on 2 million Poles murdered by Germans, Soviets and Ukrainians. A PAN scholar revealed that total number of Poles killed does not exceed a million.
Campaigns are on-going in Poland to forget WWII villainy of Germany, the EU leader. Documentation on Polish genocide by Germans, Soviets and Ukrainians have been destroyed or scattered. Only insignificant portion of the documents has been studied and published in Poland, uncensored. A seminar ignored by Jewish Historical Institute researchers, presented 1939-1945 Warsaw losses and subsequent demographic changes. Published in only one copy, a 1696-page classified report was announced on Warsaw WWII losses, with only 23-pages on murder of nearly 800,000 Warsaw residents. The symposium focused on the need to clarify substantial discrepancy between 12 million Poland’s citizens lost in WWII and Żydokomuna’s report of 6.028 million killed, based on falsified census of pre-war Poland at 27,007,000 incl. Jews and 5,193,000 Polish citizens in Kresy. Żydokomuna’s report is silent on 1939 population census. USSR included 8 million of Kresy Poles as Soviet citizens.
In 1999, “anti-Polish alliance” of Jewish, German and Russian groups was looming. German restitutionists submitted claims at Christmas 2006. “We see a clear synchronization of Jewish and German claims. Both are based on a common lie that seeks to paint WWII Poles as executioners, instead of the factual victims we have been. Some influential Ukrainian groups suddenly added their indemnity claims for Operation Wisła”. This was predictable, since Polish “apologizers” had surfaced with Ukrainian Orange revolution. The same “Polish democrats” who had subverted Solidarność, helped carry out the Ukrainian “revolution”.
Revisionists focus on Auschwitz-Birkenau. In post-Communist Poland, the number of Auschwitz Polish victims dwindled 16-fold (Jews 4-fold) to 75,000, while the total – from 4 to 1.1 million, based on Yad Vashem and Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum work. Media and presidents Wałęsa (1995) and Kwaśniewski (2005) quoted the lower number of Polish victims. A Jewish researcher argues even smaller number and discredits Piper and the Museum, by disproving several of Piper’s assertions. Holocaust demographers, who reconcile Jewish losses with pre-1939 population data, marginalize Polish losses, as German revisionists do. Some radical Jews don’t object to downward revisions as long as “90% Jewish victims of Auschwitz” and six million in Shoah stand.
Revisionists refute research of the founder of Polish intelligence and resistance in Auschwitz, captain Witold Pilecki, who had volunteered to go there (September 1940). Pilecki claimed 2 million victims minimum as of mid-1943, and 5 million total, Rudi Vrba 1.76 million Jews (April 1943 – April 1944). Incomplete documents suggest 1.5 million victims, 90% Jews. Many non-Jews died when Nazis evacuated the camp and marched inmates in freezing weather.
Revisionists undermine: Nuremberg Trials pronouncements; 1968 GKBZH conclusion on 2 million Polish citizens murdered at Auschwitz; and, Polish Supreme National tribunal’s estimate of 2.8 million victims, based on Rudolf Höss’ testimonies and other evidence. The Museum considers GKBZH estimate Communist propaganda, making Pilecki Soviet agent. According to International Auschwitz Council, the reductions were based, on “the data by Jewish historians”; there was “no significant reduction of the total number of Holocaust victims” since most of them had been Jews. This is peculiar; to preserve “6 million Shoah victims”, reductions must increase number of victims elsewhere. The Council was chaired by Żegota’s former member Bartoszewski, the recipient of Polish, German and Israeli distinctions and professorship from Bavarian government. Speaking to Bundestag (28.4.1995), foreign minister Bartoszewski cited only 2 million Poles murdered in WWII. German revisionists admit only 0.5 million Auschwitz Jewish victims, belittle Nazi crimes, and allege Polish crimes; e.g. expulsions from Eastern Germany allegedly took millions German lives after WWII.
German chancellor Adenauer and Israel’s prime minister Ben Gurion agreed (1953) on huge indemnity to Jews. Twelve years before entering diplomatic relations with Israel, Germany has issued indemnity law (18.10.1953) for all Jews, also outside Germany. The law has divided former inmates of Nazi concentration camps into: those sent on racial grounds, Germans resisting Nazism, and non-Germans who had resisted peaceful (sic) Nazi occupation or had been harmed by military actions (not Nazism) or persecuted on national (not racial) basis. Non-Germans, incl. Poles, didn’t acquire indemnity rights until Germany entered peace treaty with respective countries. Nuremberg Tribunal hasn’t indicted Nazis for nationality-based persecution. Polish governments have remained silent to this until 1973, while potential claimants have been dying off and law amendments have eliminated their descendants’ claiming right. When Germany embarked on 2001 charitable Action Reconcillation, several hundred thousand Poles were eligible, mostly former slave labourers. Israel received most of $100 billion earmarked for compensations. Germany was relieved of Jewish and Polish claims when Żydokomuna waived all claims in 1953. Accelerated whitewashing of German crimes began with concurrent smearing of Poles. “German concentration camps” became “Nazi”, and later – “Polish”, in accord with Bartoszewski’s 1960 warning. He then became silent about anti-Polonism. Joseph Lichten detected among US Jews a blame-Poles-for-Nazi-crimes agenda, driven by German reparations to Jews.
German justice has failed. German legislation has renounced death penalty, disqualified victims’ descendants from indemnity rights, and prevented extradition of Nazi criminals under German “state immunity”. By 1958, German office for Nazi crime investigations has examined only 12,000 out of 100,000 cases received. By 20th anniversary of WWII end, Germans have demanded to abandon prosecutions. 14,000 Nazis punished by then paid personally for Nazi evil. They constituted 0.025% of Germany’s population, the majority of which gave power to Hitler by electing him.Germans hid Auschwitz’s last commander, Richard Baer until 1962.
Revisionist institutions arose in Germany; in 1954, 76 scholars engaged in revisionism at German universities. Letters from Polish to German bishops (19.11.1965, 5.12.1965; “we forgive and ask for forgiveness”) reflected relations that left out war reparation issues. Poland focussed on recognition of Odra-Nysa border and economic aid, and Germany on unification and rights and emigration of ethnic Germans. Citing 1953 resignation from reparations, Germany refused to negotiate claims, although it paid DEM 120 million for victims of psedo-medical Nazi experiments. Only by 1975 Germany agreed to pay DEM 1.3 billion for Polish pensions, but kept reparations unresolved and continued to call Germans re-settled after WWII “expellee”. Germany confirmed the border (14.11.1990), but further negotiations stumbled against ethnic German issues in Poland, “expellees” and war reparations. Further to 17.6.1991 treaty, Germany committed DEM 500 million to Third Reich’s most severe victims, in exchange for Poland’s repudiation of claims. In 1998, former Polish slaves started suing German firms directly.
For German assistance with admission to EU and NATO, Polish credulity forgave multi-trillion dollar reparations. Polish observers question who benefits when Poland pays NATO and EU dues, becomes easier target of German expansionism, and is used in JPC interventionism against Polish interests. Foreign minister Bartoszewski reminded Bundestag (28.4.1995) about Polish and German “expellees”. He appeared surprised when the latter claimed restitutions (December 2006). Revisions are expected from the Russian, Ukrainian and Lithuanian sides. Russia regime covers up Soviet crimes and views population of countries invaded by the USSR in 1939 as Soviet citizens previously enslaved on territories owed to the USSR. Poland is left without multi-trillion euro war reparations from Germany, former USSR and Jews, but is called to compensate for false claims. Few nations have been swindled as cynically for genocide and war crimes. The minimization of Polish losses and victim-villain role reversal distract from huge material liability.
Historical revisionism by mainstream writers, journalists, novelists, and scholars blur WWII victim-victimizer line:
“When facts concerning the tragedy of Poles and other non-Jews during WWII are obscured, trivialized and falsified, the entire history of the Holocaust is morally and historically jeopardized and becomes synthetic, not real, history.”
Polonophobic Holocaust materials, de-Germanization of Nazis, and references to “Polish death camps” abound, backed by Western, JPC-influenced institutions, and sanctioned in Israeli propaganda and education. Institutionalized into the Holocaust Industry, anti-Polonism escalates with restitution demands. US Jews had been indifferent to Shoah but blamed Poles. To Americans and Israelis, “the Poles all but replace the Germans as the perpetrators of the Holocaust, as the archenemies of the Jews throughout the thousand-year Jewish presence in Poland.” Brainwashed masses swallow lies, e.g. “Hitler located concentration camps in Poland because Poles are the worst anti-Semites”, and “Poles did not help save Jews”. Half of 12,000 Nazi extermination sites are in Poland, marked by a facsimile of the highest Polish medal awarded to all victims. Shoah places in Poland are also marked with Jewish symbols.
Anti-Polonism imposes a false perception and a collective Polish guilt. Holocaust Industry has hijacked Polish memory institutions. Political pressures and media, from global press, through book and movie launches, to the Industry-run museums, promulgate the Judeocentric view. JPC controls the debate and its language. Poles never had the political, cultural, or financial resources to counteract. Holocaust Literature blames Poles for causing and witnessing Jewish deaths. That Poles disagree, is only proof of denial, but embracement of Judeo-centricism is a praiseworthy overcoming of psychological defences. Allegedly, Poles won’t admit any negative aspects of their history and ignore own collaboration because it doesn’t fit the paradigm of Polish resistance. The former leader of Polish civic and military resistance, a recipient of Yad Vashem Righteous Gentile Award, repeatedly discusses Polish collaboration with the Germans, as does the recipient of Polish and Israeli distinctions, a former member of Żegota, Bartoszewski.
Oskar Schindler’s acts receive attention, but not the much larger Polish rescues. Raul Wallenberg hasn’t rescued thousands of Jews from Hungary, but risk-free brought several hundred passports for (Ashkenazim only) Jews. In his book From the Kingdom of Memory, Elie Wiesel omitted Poland from a list of anti-Nazi nations. AJC memorandum stated in 1944: “Nazi tyranny does not discriminate between Jews and Poles.” Holocaust survivor, Nobel laureate and promoter of “Polish inbred anti-Semitism”, Wiesel blamed Poles, Hungarians and Germans (in that order) for the Holocaust. He ridiculed counting as Holocaust the millions of Poles murdered, by comparing the idea to including in the Crucifixion the two thieves executed with Christ.
ADL director, Abraham Foxman, whom Poles saved from Nazis, praised Danish rescue over alleged Polish inaction. Zionist-supported Nazis have overrun Poland, but scapegoat Poles for Zionist actions. After defeat of Poland, the government fled to England. It couldn’t prevent the Holocaust, but, as Europe’s only, informed the West about Nazi genocide, urged Allies to stop Shoah, helped Jews through Żegota, and ordered executions of Polish collaborators. On Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 65th anniversary, Israeli president Peres implied to Warsaw University audience Poland’s guilt for WWII and Shoah because Germany had to invade Poland upon its rejection of Hitler’s demands. Few Jews have acknowledged the impact of Nazi occupation on Poland’s non-Jewish population; anti-Polonism may cause “secondary anti-Semitism”, particularly among “young Poles initially devoid of anti-Jewish sentiments.” Polish post-modern “anti-Semitism” has a cause similar to that in US: “staffing of state and public institutions with Jews, to a degree comparable with pre-1968 Jewish presence, and support to Jewish interests internationally”.
European Parliament (EP) draft resolution for the 60th anniversary of Auschwitz “liberation” mentioned only Jewish and Roma victims of “murderous hatred” based on “racial or religious identity”. Calling for “utmost historical rigour”, it repeatedly named anti-Semitism, but not anti-Polonism. Fearing a falsified perception, Polish deputies requested “Nazi” changed to “German Nazi”, and the list of victim groups that included homosexuals but not Slavs, amended. EP resolution (15.6.2006) alleged Poland harboured “racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and homophobia” due to an assault on Poland’s chief rabbi, Catholic radio comments, and alleged intolerance of homosexuals. The latter complaint falsely accused a parliamentarian of urging violence against a gays’ parade; EP resolution mistook “moral disapproval of homosexuality” for “homophobia”. Union of Jewish Religious Communities’ former president said the attack on the rabbi didn’t mean a rise in anti-Semitism, as the rabbi himself stated. The Sejm objected to the generalization: cases of intolerance “meet general criticism and a sharp reaction from Polish authorities”. The concerns about Radio Maryja echoed Warsaw ghetto survivor, Marek Edelman. To him, a broadcast accusing Jews of extorting money “disguised as compensation payments” for pre-WWII properties, was Nazi-like. The radio said (29.3.2006) that Polish prime minister had assured (16.3.2006) AJC director on settling Jewish property claims. References to “Judeans” and “Holocaust Industry” were allegedly anti-Semitic. Edelman echoed EJC pressures to apply “existing European laws and conventions against incitation to hate”.
Prestigious publishers give credence to anti-Polonism. Princeton University Press and Random House published fraudulent books Neighbours and Fear, respectively, by a Jew from Poland, Jan Gross, a New York University professor. Columbia University Press presided over Pulitzer Prize award to Art Spiegelman for his Maus that portrayed Poles as pigs. Columbia University praised PBS Frontline for “Shtetl” that featured Polonophobic Yaffa Eliach on alleged Polish atrocity in Ejszyszki, and movie director, Marzyński (whom Poles saved in WWII).
Nominated for Janusz Korczak Literary Award amidst Judeocentric fuss, Lukas’ Did the Children Cry? didn’t fit the template: it paralleled Polish and Jewish children’s experiences. So long as Jewish suffering is considered more worthy, such comparisons are unbearable. The award was presented only after the threat of legal action, but bad publicity stuck to this “borderline anti-Semitic” book that “sanitized” Polish behaviour. In fact, Lukas discussed Polish-German collaboration, cited an Israeli estimate of 7,000 Polish collaborators, quoted from leading Nazis that Slavs were also victims of genocide, quoted a wide range of Polish and Jewish estimates of how many Poles assisted Jews, and indicated prejudices and selfishness on both sides against needy fellow nationals.
US curricula teach about the murder of 5-6 million Jews, but Judeocentric spokesman have opposed the teaching about the murdered Poles. In Poland, a commission comprising Jews from Israel, and, on the Polish side, Jews from Poland dictated what Polish youth should learn, While “Israeli youth is taught bestial hatred toward Poland and Poles, but not toward the real perpetrators of the tragedies of the Jewish nation, the Germans”, curricula train Poles to “remain passive in the face of humiliations and plunder of their national assets.” The commission recommended 40 literature items, all on the Jewish theme, and subsidies to publications. Polish literature for Israeli schools comprised 11 items, 10 on Jewish theme and one by an author of Jewish background, but nothing on the causes of anti-Semitism and pogroms, or on anti-Polonism; “It’s the Jews who become racists by transfer of the religious notion of the “chosen nation” to politics.” The commission comprised those who had “falsified Polish history” and supported Soviet anti-Polish terror. On the “Polish” side, the commission had a Polonophobe whose book had been purged from the education ministry’s curriculum list. The book states that only after the Soviets entered Poland (17.9.1939), “proletarian youth has acquired previously unknown chances of social advancement”. In fact, the bones of many of them rest in the Gulag soil.
While Polish movies are mothballing, since 1989 Hollywood has produced 175 Holocaust films, such as “Neighbours”, Claude Lantzmann’s “Shoah”, Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List”, and Marian Marzyński’s “Shtetl”; they impress that Poles willingly co-operated with the Nazis. “Shtetl” smears the local parish, but its wartime priest, Fr. Opiatowski has been killed for assisting Jews. “Shtetl” features Israeli students claiming, sometimes gleefully, alleged Polish involvement in Shoah; they mock Polish rescue, not knowing that Poles also have fought for survival and faced death penalty for the assistance. “Shtetl” encourages Jewish ethnic hatred; “Holocaust teaching will fail if along the way it teaches young Jewish people to hate Polish Gentiles”. “Is hatred for a person simply because of his ethnicity more acceptable today, as long as the object of the hatred is a Pole rather than a Jew? […] can there be any limit to the perpetration of lies, myths, and mischaracterizations to drive the hatred home?” “Schindler’s List” distortions “contribute to the ongoing anti-Polish stereotyping which has reached pandemic proportions.” Spielberg recycles anti-Polonisms from Holocaust Literature and American fiction by Leon Uris, Saul Bellow, Philip Roth, Issac Singer and Jerzy Kosiński, for whom “Poles are enemies”, “scapegoats for the Holocaust”: “Poles become the avenue for them to deal with their ethnocentric obsessions”.
“Shoah” charges Polish Catholics’ indifference and collaboration. Lantzmann sifted 350 hours of interviews to 9 hours of Polish self-accusation, sometimes wrongly translated. Under carefully crafted insensitivity of Poles, he stereotyped “inbred Polish anti-Semitism”. Polish American Congress declared (February 1986) “Shoah” to be “one-sided, intentionally distorting the truth”. “Shoah” disappointed Polish Underground’s former leader Korboński, since “the huge Polish resistance and persistent fight with the Nazi invader” went unmentioned. Under constant threat of surveillance, Korboński’s soldiers had radioed the West about Shoah, and had executed Polish collaborators. Poles had smuggled food to ghettos, helped Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (“without help and active participation of the Polish resistance movement it would have not been possible at all to bring about the uprising”), and had evacuated and hid survivors. In its underground paper Rzeczpospolita (6.5.1943), Polish government-in-exile condemned German crimes in Warsaw Ghetto, honoured Jewish combatants and called for Jewish-Polish solidarity.
Risking his life, Polish Underground courier Jan Karski had eyewitnessed Endlösung’s beginning in Bełżec death camp, and had informed key British and US government members, Roosevelt, Apostolic Office in Washington, US Jewry leaders, prominent writers and political commentators. Only he could complain in 1978 interview for “Shoah” about Allied inaction, but instead it shows his testimony about the suffering of Warsaw Jews and desperate requests for Western help from Jewish resistance leaders; “Nobody else could be interviewed about any of this. But it would prove that the allied governments […] forsook the Jews.” Following “Shoah” release, Chicago Dialogue group, representing American Poles and Jews, sponsored by the American Foundation of Polish-Jewish Studies, concluded it wasn’t right to generalize anti-Semitism and blame all Poles.
Gross’ books are anti-Polish. Western media has focused on “Polish” crimes against Jews, synchronously with the publications of his books. A suppressed Polish historian, Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that Jewish sensibilities are respected owing to Shoah, but respect for Polish Holocaust, incl. Jewish wrongdoings, is lacking. Gross’ mendacity can be humorous: the accusation of Poles at Jedwabne’s square throwing stones at Jews near the barn would mean that the throwers could hurl rocks 350 m.
Nowak cites philo-Semitic (Karski and Kot) and Jewish authors (Sarner, Pinchuk, Smolar, Steinhaus, Levin, Sterzer, Zable, Gelman, Wat, Reiss, Verstandig, Arad, Szapiro, Erlich) who contradict Gross on rare Jewish-Soviet collaboration. Soviet-conquered Eastern Poland’s servile administration comprised 75-90% Jews. Jewish murders of Poles occurred in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939, and murders of Poles and Ukrainians – in Soviet captivity, when Soviets were retreating from German invasion. Local Jews engaged in large-scale anti-Polish actions after Red Army invasion; Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, humiliated them. Jews helped the Soviets round up Poles on many occasions and identified Poles for imprisonment or deportation to death in Siberia. Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes, desecrated Christian churches, and, in a mock atheistic parade, even dressed up a horse in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Many eastern Polish Jews descended from Litvaks whom marshal of Poland Piłsudski had welcomed. Litvaks felt no loyalty to Poland and collaborated against Poles in several towns where prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good. The collaborators included prominent Jews. Logically, they should first retaliate against Soviets for the severe Russian anti-Semitism. Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten’s propositions that Jews showed anti- and pro-Soviet behaviours proportionately; few Jews were arrested or deported to Siberia. Nowak cites Byelorussian Jewish historian Eugeniusz Rozenblat who proves vast Jewish-Soviet collaboration. Gross cites Karski’s condemnation of Polish anti-Semitism, but overlooks Karski’s condemnation of Jewish-Soviet anti-Polish collaboration; cites Klukowski on Polish peasants helping Germans uncover Jews, but ignores Klukowski on Jewish collaborators whom Germans have found more valuable in these actions; and, cites Klukowski on Polish bandits taking from Jews, but is silent about Klukowski on Jewish bandits.
Gross’ Neighbours contradicts his earlier, candid work on Żydokomuna. Hilary Minc, Jewish-Communist like most of his staff, massively expropriated Polish properties. Yet, Gross asserts that “those greedy Poles” acquired post-Jewish properties. Jews expropriated Polish properties already under Soviet rule. Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties cheaply, in a repetition of Jewish behaviour in the wake of failed 19th century Polish insurrections.
The Polish Blue police, misrepresented as a counterpart to Shoah’s Ukrainian and Baltic collaborationists, hardly ever took part in mass executions or as labor camp guards. Although sometimes used against Jews, the Blue police wasn’t responsible for Jewish deaths. Some of the Blue policemen aided Jews, and a large fraction were in the Polish Underground. The Blue police and Polish administrators were hostages to German terror, not its stereotyopical collaborators.
Germans complained that Poles allowed the movements of fugitive Jews. Polish Underground didn’t collaborate with Germans against Jews, either. Slandered for a secret plan to “finish Hitler’s work”, the Underground accepted known Jews into its ranks, spared Jews who fell into its hands, and assisted fugitive Jews. The Underground didn’t provide more arms to Jewish Warsaw Ghetto fighters because arms were scarce for Polish units. Fugitive Jews formed bands that robbed and killed Polish peasants, and joined subversive Communist units, provoking Polish counter-actions. Otherwise, sporadic killings of fugitive Jews by Poles was part of the general lawlessness under brutal German occupation. Polish anti-criminal intervention was scarce even for Pole-on-Pole crimes. Germans could massacre a village for one resident helping Jews, so some neighbors were unsupportive of helpers, but Fear paints this as Polish character. Gross complains that most Poles haven’t helped Jews out of indifference or hostility; in fact, the majority of Poles have never been approached by a single fugitive Jew for help. Only a small percentage of Polish Jews survived because Shoah was unexpected and so swiftly applied that Jews couldn’t escape ghettos and seek Polish help.
Despite draconian German occupation, Poles risked death penalty for black market and Underground activities. Gross threfore argues that Poles weren’t deterred from saving Jews. But black market owed its success to its spontaneous, mobile, and decentralized nature, i.e. situation opposite to that large-scale hiding Jews that was also much riskier than blending of Underground members into the population. Historical facts of German success in arresting many Underground members, and careful planning of Underground actions to minimize reprisals against Poles, make folly of Gross’ argument that Poles could have saved more Jews.
Poland’s foreign ministry quotes media reports on “Poland’s death camps” from 24 countries, and protests by Polish embassies. On 6.6.1995, a purported Auschwitz survivor lectured at Los Angeles Wiesenthal Museum that Poles and Hungarians were worse than Nazis. Instigated by rabbi Avi Weiss, extremist Jews focus on the largest former Nazi camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. SS evacuated it nine days before its “liberation” (27.1.1945). Established by Himmler’s order (27.4.1940), since 14.6.1940 it has killed Polish intelligentsia, Russian POWs and German political opponents, before the first transports of Jews. The Poles have arrived from overcrowded prisons in German-occupied Poland. A sub-camp Birkenau has killed Jews, Poles, Russian POWs and Romas. They have been led from trains to gas chambers (destroyed towards the end of WWII by Himmler’s 29.11.1944 order). The death complex has included a camp in Monowitz and 40 sub-camps. Under the direction of SS (architect Girisch and Walter Dejaco), Polish inmates have worked on a model of an extension of Auschwitz to 540 barracks and new crematoria.
Citizens of 21 countries have perished there; the Nazis have destroyed evidence, and the Soviets have taken the remaining documents. Sejm declared Auschwitz-Birkenau complex an international landmark, and a monument was unveiled in former Birkenau in April 1967. Christian symbols had not aroused Jewish antagonism and only gradually Auschwitz became “the site of Jewish memory”. A process for “ownership and use of the “brandname” Auschwitz” began. Carmelite sisters located at former Auschwitz maintained the grounds and prayed for all victims. Judeocentrics demanded the sisters removed. The Polish Church complied but refused to remove a large cross. Poland’s Cardinal Józef Glemp suggested Birkenau be central to Jews, and Auschwitz, where mostly Poles died, to Poles and Christians. Jews rejected Glemp’s solution. In 1991 New York, Jewish demonstrators met Glemp with placards “Cardinal Glemp stop hiding behind your cross”, with the swastika and the Christian cross superimposed. Heritage Southwest Jewish Press (Los Angeles) publisher Herb Brin attacked Glemp, “a scumbag who is beneath contempt.” To Weiss, Glemp was “one of the worst anti-Semites in the world.” Israeli philosopher Adi Ophir criticized Holocaustianity’s commandments: “Thou shalt have no other Holocaust”, “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image or likeness”, “Thou shalt not take the name in vain.” The very presence of the Carmelite convent dared juxtapose Polska Golgota with Shoah, thereby violating the new commandment.
Residents of Oświęcim next to former Auschwitz are frustrated. They can’t build around the camp, and industries in the protection zone have been closed down. The residents believe they are ruled by ever changing powers – from Warsaw (Moscow) in the past to New York and Tel Aviv now, and even urban plans for their town are being made by American Jews. Israel stages the annual March of the Living in Auschwitz-Birkenau where Poles mustn’t practice Catholic rituals. Polish observers comment on Jewish crowds bearing large Israeli flags: “yet another march of a foreign state on Polish land”, “a sign of armed aggression against Poland”, “future transfer site for millions of Israeli Jews to Poland”. Jewish security men and Mossad provide security, and uniformed IDF soldiers are present. At the 5.5.2005 event, Ariel Sharon reminded Jewish youth, specifically the IDF soldiers, that they “have a duty to give lessons, to recall memoirs and individual stories, in order to express the significance of the existence of the state of Israel.” In 2007, Israeli statesman Rafi Eitan updated the March to the “terrorist” context. Eitan, who had led the capture of Eichmann, said that some forces could again produce Shoah through terrorism and WMD.
Poland’s government petitioned UN to re-name UNESCO monument Auschwitz a “Former German Nazi Concentration Camp Auschwitz-Birkenau”. Yad Vashem, ADL and AJC seconded the request, but WJC accused Polish government of trying to “redefine history”. Many Jews protested internationally, incl. the chief editor of Judisk Kronika, after WJC chairman Maram Stern’s shocking statement (April 2006) regarding Polish petition.
Germany’s invasion of Kresy (June 1941) began mass murders of local Communists and Jews, disguised as Polish acts of revenge for NKVD killings aided by local Jews during Soviet occupation. The spin worked, because Poles despised Communism and many Jews collaborated with the Soviets. Herman Schaper’s Gestapo unit carried out several such killings of Jews. Nazi occupied Łomża district’s chief administrator, van der Groeben testified that Schaper massacred Jews in the district, incl. Jedwabne. Legal proceedings against Schaper stopped (2.9.1965), despite his identification by Jewish survivors. In 1976, a German court pronounced Schaper and his unit’s four members guilty of executions of Poles and Jews. Schaper was sentenced to six years in prison, but was released for medical reasons.
Soviets used the Kielce city pogrom (4.7.1946) for anti-Polish propaganda and to drive Jews to Palestine. Of 16 pogroms in the Soviet bloc, it was the most publicized; a Soviet crime to false-flag Poles as Nazi-like murderers of Jews, convinced the West to leave Poland to Soviets, and diverted Western attention from brutal Sovietization and tampering with Polish elections. Five days after the “pogrom”, a hasty Stalinist-style show trial was held to prove Polish complicity. Stand-by squads executed 9 Poles absent at the pogrom. Bishop Czesław Kaczmarek lost 19 teeth in a brutal interrogation before he confessed to a crime he hadn’t commited. His political show trial started on 14.9.1953, and eight days later he and four other clergy went to prison. Poles, the Soviet plan’s victims, were presented as the villains. NKVD killed witnesses and destroyed documents. Investigative journalist Kąkolewski tried to access Soviet archives, but neither Russian Federation’s prosecutor general nor Memorial organization for Communist crimes, responded. When a leftist group in Kielce apologized to the world Jewry, Kąkolewski tried to find the alleged civilian participants; “it would be invaluable information for the prosecutor and courts, more so that no defendant sentenced to death in the Kielce trial took part in the crime. I received no answer to date.”
The occupiers orchestrated Kielce and Jedwabne crimes, but Poles were blamed from the beginning. Judeocentric propaganda turned both crimes against Poles, which couldn’t succeed without some JPC-Russian-German cooperation. Pogonowski wrote (1996) before Gross’ smears: “Those who can examine the historical record, but then choose to ignore it and purposely libel an entire nation and ethnic group, are on the wrong side of history: they are using the methods of Hitler and Stalin.”
A few dozen Poles took part in the Jedwabne crime. Poles and Jews lived in amity before the war. Soviet 1940 census indicates 1400 Jews in Jedwabne district; many later fled with the Soviets before German invasion. On 10.7.1941, uniformed Germans rounded up Jedwabne Jews, ordering some Poles to help. Other Poles escaped, rescuing some Jews. About 50 Jews separated from women, children and the elderly had to dig a grave inside a barn prepared for the execution; Germans shot them and ordered several Poles to put the dead into the grave. A second group was then ordered into the barn; seven eyewitnesses saw German soldiers pour fuel on its outer walls, set fire to it, and suffocate the victims. A Jewish partisan confirms this version: “Anyone who tried to get out was cut down by machine-gun fire.” Poles had to bury the bodies in a second grave. IPN found both graves – only 10-25% of Gross’ claim, contradicting the pogrom thesis; the crime was pre-planned and carried out in stages, the victims had no broken bones, and their personal valuables had not been stolen. Germans had probably relegated obsolete weaponry to the shootings of unarmed civilians, as IPN found WWI-vintage bullet casings at the site.
Rabbis objected to site disturbance, thus obstructing IPN investigation and justice. Unanswered questions discredit IPN’s report veracity; some authors take it for confirmation of Gross’ theses, e.g. Emory University’s Tam Institute for Jewish Studies director, rabbi Donald in Publishers Weekly: “Gross get the story right […] many other cities had done precisely the same thing.” Gross’ claims that Jedwabne Poles had herded some 1600 Jews into a barn, put it on fire, and buried the bodies, prompted IPN investigation. Polonophobes, from US to Russia, fed on the lies; hundreds of German articles triumphed that finally Poles were exposed as villains. Before Neighbours became a hit, New York University professor Tony Judt reviewed it as “truly pathbreaking” work of a “master historian”, and NYT interviewed Gross. The hardcover, pamphlet-long “book” has large font and margins to fill the space.
A study removes Jedwabne Poles’ villainy. Jewish and Polish scholars had discarded Gross’ theses, but following Neighbours publication, media stampeded to accuse Poles of Shoah complicity and denial. Relying on contradicting testimonies of a few Jews, Gross has neither historical basis nor supporting evidence, and ignores Soviet, German and other sources and archives. Gross’ “witnesses”, UB agent Szmul Wasersztajn was absent from Jedwabne during the massacre, and Eljasz Gradowski, was deported to USSR before the massacre. Gross is inconsistent, since he has considered a “very limited pool of evidence through the prism of a single survivor testimony.” He dismisses as anti-Semitic all inconvenient evidence, e.g. Hoover Institution archives on Jewish-Communist collaboration. Claiming blame-the-Germans cliche, Gross rejects uncoerced Jewish and Polish post-war testimonies that identify German villains. Gross adduces Poles’ depositions to journalists, and relies on the files of 1949-1953, UB-conducted trial of 22 Poles, a mockery of law. Jedwabne Poles stated their fathers confessed under torture; it was menat to confirm Poles were “fascists” and “reactionaries”. The judge and prosecutor in the trial were Jews. Wasersztajn was a functionary in that apparatus.
Polish nation isn’t responsible for Jedwabne. Gross (who survived WWII in a Polish family care) trifles with Jewish co-responsibility for persecution of Poles under Soviet occupation. NKVD deported or killed some 300 Jedwabne Poles denounced by Jews. Strzembosz quotes Gross’ earlier reports on this. Witnesses told IPN that less than two years of Soviet occupation killed and deported more Poles than four years of German occupation; revenge would tempt some returnees from deportations and families of those who didn’t return. Invaded Poles didn’t have weapons necessary to round up, march and execute the victims. The barn could not accommodate 1600 people, and killing by heat and suffocation, never mind the cremation, was impossible with the sparse supply of kerosene occupied Poles had. The Nazis controlled the commission of their crimes, through verbal threats and remote supervision of Poles and Jews. Nazi executioners enlisted help of several Jedwabne ethnic Germans, a group of primitive Poles, and possibly a few Polish avengers for the betrayal of their families to NKVD. The Nazis enforced obedience by threats with death for the slightest assistance to Jews, and by kicks and whips.
Joanna Michlic of Hebrew University’s Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (SICSA) evaluated Neighbours debate – “rewriting of the history” of WWII Polish-Jewish relations, and “reevaluation of the collective self-image of Poles” as victims. One Polish camp “challenges the old, biased representation” of the relations and the self-image, and another “seeks to maintain the older representations”.Michlic’s calls for “more programs committed to teaching about democracy, pluralism, and civic nationalism” would be a laudable goal if she assessed Gross’ claims without presuming Polish bias and defensiveness. Falsifications instigate hatred – an effect contrary to Michlic’s Judeocentric declarations of goodwill.
Her analysis provokes politically, despite SICSA’s “independent, non-political approach […] necessary for understanding” antisemitism. To Michlic, the counter-reaction by “the majority of Jedwabne’s own citizens” and the nation proves “the negative results of the defensive stance”. Poles reacted abruptly to Gross’ allegations, because of uncorrected, agenda-driven anti-Polonism. Anti-Polish propaganda conflates Nazis with Christian Poles, holding the Church responsible for Shoah. Poles are accused of teaching a Polonocentric WWII view, while the world is indoctrinated with Judeocentric exultation of Jewish suffering and belittling of suffering of millions of Poles; “the (supposedly) willing killing of even 1,600 Jews, a drop in the ocean compared with 5-6 million by the Germans, now makes Poland a participant in the Holocaust. Talk about relativizing the Holocaust!” 
The interrupted IPN investigation proves that “important segments of the Polish political and cultural elite are capable of overcoming its dark past”, but Michlic hailed the 2001 commemoration of the massacre, when president Kwaśniewski honoured the murdered, “at the new memorial for the victims”. The old monument presumably didn’t tell the “truth”. Michlic found “nationalist and conservative political elites, the representatives of the Closed Church and their supporters among the non-elite” who reject “the truth about the massacre”. To her, “the advocacy of the strongly defensive approach by respectable professional historians like Tomasz Strzembosz” was “the most disturbing and disappointing aspect of the debate”. Strzembosz questioned Wasersztajn’s story credibility and estimated the number of Polish participants at “less than 50 people” rather than “Polish half of Jedwabne”. The testimonies in the 1949 trial in Łomża, the base of Neighbors, indicate a direct German participation and that Germans have forced the Poles to watch over the herded Jews.
The official version of the “pogrom” was inconsistent. The victims were not pre-WWII residents who returned to Kielce, but émigrés who stayed in a building that also housed the cream of Kielce UB and Communist party, many of them Jews. A pogrom would attack both groups, but only the émigrés were attacked, indicating Żydokomuna’s knowledge of the plan that hinged on a fake story of a boy whom the Jews kidnapped to kill and use his blood in matzah. The father, UB agent Walenty Błaszczyk notified police only three days after son’s disappearance and the day after he “escaped” from the basement he was kept in. One detail didn’t check out; the building had no basement. The passers-by were puzzled as to why an unusually large, 14-men police patrol encouraged them to join anti-Jewish protest, since even a gathering of 2-3 people was subject to punishment. The battle-ready military and the UB units were at the scene already, for an action against Jews that “hold and murder children”.
NKVD masterminded Kielce. NKVD Jewish affairs’ Major Dyomin arrived a few months earlier, and left two weeks after the crime that pre-war NKVD, turned NKVD-Gestapo agent, major Władysław Sobczyński-Spychaj commanded. NKVD’s Adam Humer came to Kielce to tamper with the election referendum. During the “pogrom” he instructed his men whom to arrest for death sentences, and telephoned interior security minister and Berman; both Soviet agents told him to thwart efforts to stop the violence, proving that Żydokomuna didn’t hesitate to kill Jews for Soviet goals. Kąkolewski, talked to him before Humer was sentenced (1990s) for Communist crimes, but not for Kielce. Kąkolewski knows the Soviet role: “Moscow plannned and prepared the murder. The executioners were Poles from UB, police and reserve police units. Soviet troops also participated, as their military and security people were present […] at least 395 functionaries from various formations.” Only one of them was tried, although he wasn’t even guilty of injuries. Coincidentally with the “pogrom”, the Nuremberg Tribunal was examining the Katyń massacre, Soviet murder of tens of thousands of Polish officers and intellectuals; Soviet attorneys unsuccessfully sought to blame Germans. Kąkolewski believes Moscow had to present a shocking event that would compensate for the lost Nuremberg case. The Soviet version had “a mob” of thousands “Poles”. No such group participated. In the morning, the group of policemen led 100-120 passers-by to the scene where they stood at a distance, as the street was blocked for the operation. It was not Polish mob but UB and other formations that looted and stole from the murdered Jews. Kielce civilians could not have entered the building either, because it was secured by the functionaries.
Just before Kielce 60th anniversary, Polish professors and associations petitioned Poland’s government and IPN to resume investigation and declassify documents, for “friendly relations and unity” and dialagoue. But Adam Michnik calls Kielce the biggest Polish crime. Post-Communist Poland’s foreign minister Dariusz Rosati apologized to Jews on Kielce 50th anniversary, absolving Żydokomuna and their Soviet bosses, at the expense of Poles. A concurrent Polish press article featured a fake photo of the Kielce “pogrom”, from a 1941 pogrom in Lithuania. On official Kielce photos found in archives outside Poland, the “bodies” in the morgue look staged or don’t have wounds reported by “witnesses”. Kielce 60th anniversary was marked by Gross’ book of“factographic flaws and bibliographic omissions” that support its Stalinist theses, and uses “cut-and-paste history” that takes “only what suits the author’s opinion”, to conceal the villain. To Gross, all institutions that aren’t atheistic, Communist and socialist (Christianity and the Catholic hierarchs and clergy), and everything traditional that defines the Polish nation (the Underground, anti-Communists, and scouts) are ingrained with evil anti-Semitism, the cause of Polish-Nazi collaboration and post-WWII pogroms. He had files on Sobczyński-Spychaj, but failed to note (p 73-80) that this UB/NKVD officer had been involved in 1945 “pogrom” in Rzeszów, where violence has not broken out, but Jews fled the city as in Kielce.
JPC media praise “history professor” Gross’ “scholarship” and his Fear based on “impeccable references”. Sceptics and truth tellers are “anti-Semites” and “deniers”. Judeocentrically scapegoating Poles, the victim of Bolshevik-Nazi-Communist terror,, Gross posits Żydokomuna is a myth “by complicitous Poles to deflect their own guilt over having contributed to the triumph of Communism”. Stalin has enslaved Poland and expelled millions from Kresy, but Gross calls Red Army’s entry “liberation” (p 7), occupied Poland “independent” (p 82), and the expelled “repatriated” (p 22). Confiscation of land is “redistribution that truly benefited recipients” (p 18), when in fact the peasants have refused the parcels. After 1944, Poles have resisted Communism, but Gross believes (p 246, without reference) that people didn’t have “a combustible hatred for Communism ready to explode into destructive fury at the slightest opportunity”. Gross ignores studies on the Underground (“various hotheads, misfits, and self-serving opportunists” p 21). He writes about “civil war” in post-WWII Poland (p 28, 35), only to state Soviet-style that Kielce has been Europe’s biggest pogrom in peace time. He lowers the number of Polish WWII victims to 2 million, by copying ex- and post-Communist researchers Krystyna Kersten, Czesław Madajczyk and Czesław Łuczak. Marxist-Stalinist-like, Gross accuses Polish elites of intellectual and moral support to alleged murder and plunder of Jews by WWII Polish “lower middle-class”. Heroic villagers who have smuggled food to the starved cities and ghettos, are black sheep, while post-war pogroms stem from suppressed fears of Polish villainy and Jews returning to their properties and professions. While ignoring other research until someone offers “an alternative explanation”, Gross maintains (p xiv, 164, 247-248, 258) that self-hate for previous Polish crimes caused the pogroms.
Reports on massive, non-Stalinist condemnation of Kielce were censored, and parliamentary investigation never materialized. Gross replicates the double-standard of Soviet-dependent “cream of Polish intelligentsia”, i.e. anti-Polish terror apologists who have opposed anti-Jewish violence but not anti-Polish terror. For condemnation of Poles and separation from Polish values, Gross’ paradigm offers Polish intelligentsia Stalinist-like, exclusive righteousness. Having “emerged from a bare intellectual desert” in which they had no freedom of discovery, and unable to refute the spin, post-Communist intellectuals largely followed Gross. Polish system reforms filled the intellectual vacuum with Western secularism; Polish historians were distrusted, and anything positive about Poland was nationalistic, while Communist scientists “still dominated, morphed into liberals, and cloned by promoting mediocrities like themseves who control Soviet-style humanities “science” machine in Poland.”
Catholic primate of Poland, cardinal Hlond attributed Kielce attack “to the Jews who today occupy leading positions in Poland’s government and endeavor to introduce a governmental structure that the majority of Poles do not wish to have.” Jews tended to be much less religious than Christians and agnostic. Hlond is “anti-Semite” for calling (1936) Jews “freethinkers, vanguards of Bolshevism”. A Jewish author makes the same generalization using a positive spin, after naming Communist Jews (e.g., Karl Marx): “it is in the Jewish tradition to be attracted to critical and reforming tendencies and to make common cause with the disinherited.”
Kielce condemnation by bishop Teodor Kubina (7.7.1946; “in the light of God’s and human laws, while all rumours about Jewish ritual murders are lies”) and Hlond (11.7.1946; “The violence in Kielce was not brought by racism but by entirely different painful and tragical causes”) belie Fear (“the institutional elite of the Catholic church chose to completely ignore postwar anti-Semitism in Poland” p 152). Contempt and lies about the Church, clergy and faithful have plagued Soviet, Żydokomuna, and JPC propaganda. Gross reverses the Stalinist “ritual murder” provocation behind “pogroms”; it’s committed “every time a Jewish child was baptized without a specific request or authorization by his or her parents” (p 162). This Catholic “ritual” has saved WWII Jewish orphans. Expanding on Neighbours slanders, Fear states that Polish clergy’s “religious veneer” was “easily chipped away at by prejudice and greed they shared with the common folk” (p 261).
Before Jedwabne 60th anniversary, Warsaw rabbinate invited cardinal Glemp to common mourning for “the tragedy of the whole world”; Glemp confirmed common prayers for victims in Jedwabne, Katyń, Dachau and Auschwitz, and “in Rwanda, the Balkans and among neighbors in Palestine”, but rejected national guilt, by analogy to “Germans, amongst whom Nazism emerged in its fullest form. Neither can the blindness provoked in the people of Jedwabne and vicinity be extended to the entire Polish nation”. Asking Jewish forgiveness, JPII pronounced Christian need to atone for sins, but based on truth. Vatican’s “Memory and Reconciliation” stresses that establishing the past sins demands a correct historical verdict. Previously, high-ranking politicians urged the Church “should conduct major prayers in Jedwabne, repent for its sins and ask forgiveness for the genocide”. Bishop Stefanek added: “there are groups specialized in sabotage, provocation, lies, document destruction or myth invention, dressed in a gown of historic research”.
NKVD arrested some 250 Poles, incl. Polish resistance organizers: Jedwabne parish-priest Marian Szumowski and another priest. Gross fabricated Szumowski’s presence at the massacre, when the priest was long dead, having been executed in 1940. Jewish Midrasz published in Poland asked Jedwabne parish-priest Edward Orłowski if he celebrated expiatory masses for the Polish crime. This former vicar to Józef Kembliński answered that he prays for all the living and dead of Jedwabne Poles, Jews, Russians, Germans; “when the truth surfaces, other prayers may be appropriate.”
Gross claims that around Easter, Catholic priests, the “ideologists of the crime” have evoked “the picture of the Jew as God’s assassin” to encourage persecution. Nowak names priests who have averted tsarist pogroms of 1881 and 1905, and the 1931 pogrom of Jews in Lvov. Polish Catholic information agency exposed Gross’ lies about priests. Bishop Stanisław Łukomski allegedly accepted a silver candelabra from the Jewish delegation for averting the masacre, but failed to keep his promise. In his memoirs he writes about German annihilation of Jews with horror, but at the time of alleged meeting, he was in hiding from the Soviets. He instructed rev. Łupiński not to absolve Poles who had helped Germans murder the Jews.
Without reaction from respective governments, and the news curtailed, Peres alluded (10.10.2007) to restitutions as tied to Israeli economy: “we have won economic independence and are buying up Manhattan, Poland and Hungary”.  Holocaust Industry exceptionalizes Shoah, while falsifying, ignoring or belittling others’ suffering. It has hijacked the term Holocaust, and labels anti-Semite, denier, homophobe and fascist whomever disagrees. JPC-created “religion”, Holocaustianity may get added protection; refering to post-WWII crimes, incl. alleged genocides in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and extending Holocaust denial to “gross minimisation of genocide out of racist and xenophobic motives”, Germany has proposed EU law against denial of mass crimes. A client of the EU genocide denial law would be Muslims, too. Like Shoah has been harnessed in Holocaustianity, alleged genocide in Bosnia underlines Muslim Victimhood.
Restitution dealings with European countries started from Switzerland in early 1990s. Threatened with boycotts, Swiss banks paid $1.25 billion. Swiss government’s 1962 and 1995 audits showed $32 million (1995 dollars) in unclaimed war-era accounts, but WJC demanded $1.8 billion. Shortly after, at a cost of $250 million, the Volcker commission determined 1999 book value of accounts “probably” related to Nazi victims at $20 million. The Industry represents neither the victims of expropriations nor Jewish survivors and heirs, but it seized control of former East German, denationalized properties worth billions. Jewish restitutionists acquired vast real estate holdings since German reunification, placing them among Germany’s biggest landowners. Shoah victims received only 15% of German awards. Legitimate Jewish heirs sue the Industry who have cashed nearly all the monies in the Swiss settlement and collected nearly half of the German slave labor compensation fund monies, to the dismay of hundreds of thousands of former non-Jewish slaves. Defrauded Shoah survivors trust German government more than the Jewish organizations.
Having defamed the Poles, the Industry claims 6,000 communal properties and hundreds of thousands of parcels of land, and demands a billion euros for government shares and bonds of “Holocaust victims”, “only the beginning for the Poles.”. The restitutionism poisons Polish-Jewish relations. Nazi and Soviet occupations and socialism have looted, destroyed and expropriated Polish and Jewish properties. In Poland, a Communist decree (6.9.1946) has invalidated all property claims not filed by rightful heirs by 1.1.1947. Another law has prevented heirs’ claims against adverse possessors after ten years’ occupancy. Reprivatization campaigns have made political rather than legal arrangements and could backfire “against private property ownership, the free market, and democracy in general.”
Israel Singer, a top official of WJRO and the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany (CJMC), was key in the shakedown of Swiss banks and European governments. He was dismissed in March 2007 from WJC chairman and secretary-general for financial improprieties. New York attorney general Eliot Spitzer demanded Singer repay funds, barring him from “financial management or oversight”. This affected neither Singer’s CJMC position, nor the negotiations in Europe. Singer resolved to go on “pursuing causes for the Jewish people and human rights, and to remedy injustices against those victimized by prejudice and ignorance”.
As chair of a new, high-level WJC advisory group, Singer continued to meet with world leaders; “his position of power, influence and access has made other Jewish leaders reluctant to criticize him publicly”. Top WJC officials sued “journalists they feel were unfair and overly zealous in describing the organization’s problems”, e.g. Swiss Jewish weekly Tachlis and Swiss journalist Daniel Ganzfried. To sever support for Jewish Week under the threat of cut-off from donations, WJC notified Jewish leaders that the weekly defamed the WJC. Despite its internationality and 400,000 donors, WJC is run from New York by: Singer who ran WJC single-handedly until Spitzer’s report; Edgar Bronfman, Seagrams heir and philanthropist; and, Stephen Herbits, Bronfman’s business aide brought in as secretary-general during the WJC scandal. They prolonged the conflict. On Spitzer’s report release, they sued for defamation former WJC vice-president fired for whistleblowing on WJC in 2004. In fall 2006, they sought to replace WJC Israeli branch director against local leaders’ wishes.
Bronfman resigned (7.5.2007) from WJC chairmanship, having succeeded in getting restitutions, but blaming the others for the scandal, without “apologizing to the Jewish people for having been derelict in their duty.” Singer’s association with CJMC “is absolutely mind boggling and people will not be able to understand how this could happen.” Mentioning “15 million documents” on Shoah that surfaced in the US “in the last 15 years”, Singer said Holocaust was a subjective “story” that only Jews could “tell”. Singer envisioned investigations “to ensure that the whole truth is exposed” and “why European Jewry was abandoned”. To him, Jewish revisionism and restitutionism are not about money but “the Jewish people getting back their History”. Singer threatened (19.4.1996) that shouldn’t Poland satisfy Jewish claims, it would be “publicly attacked and humiliated”. Publicist Stanisław Michałkiewicz called it a “declaration of war against Poland”. A Jewish publicist in Poland objected, pointing to Singer’s “incitement of anti-Semitism”:
“we in Poland have to recon with the law and wait for suitable laws, and they demand everything right away. Often they are those who lived comfortably in the US, while their families were perishing here in the Holocaust.”
To Stuart Eizenstat, former special representative of US president and secretary of state for Holocaust-era issues, the Jewish community had “a remarkable impact” on US politics and “has been Zionistic” since the 1967 war. Eizenstat praised Bronfman, Singer, WJC and WJRO for “critically important wisdom and knowledge to use the media and political system” and for knowing “that only American intervention in the former communist countries could lead to achievements”. Bronfman got Israeli prime minister Rabin’s support, but not from Netanyahu and Barak, presumably out of concern for “bi-lateral relationship with the new post-communist countries.” 
Singer said that Yitzhak Shamir, “who has a great distaste for Poland”, would “support the WJC claims against eastern European countries”. Singer recognized that, “used to being victims”, these “poor countries” must admit “all the other wrongs they inflicted on the Jews”; local Jewish communities “are extremely small and powerless and thus easier partners than the international Jewish organizations”. So far, the restitutionists disregarded the poverty of Poland, Gross’ lies resolved Polish “victimhood”, and “Polish” statesmen admitted national guilt for Jedwabne and Kielce. Eizenstat observed that “very few, if any” of the restitution campaigns would be ongoing”, were it not for the US; “compensation for communal and private property wrongfully appropriated” would mean a “passage from totalitarianism to democratic states”.
Finkelstein recognized in Goldhagen for Beginners that Gross’ Neighbors “bears the unmistakable imprint of the Holocaust industry”. Bishop Stefanek was warned of the Jedwabne provocation; “we have to be aware of whose displeasure we expose ourselves to when we talk about it loud”. Was the multi-billion dollar claim against Poland legitimate, it wouldn’t require defamations and secrecy. A nation is demonized before a major assault on it. US policy-setter, the Council on Foreign Relations’ publication approvingly cited Gross on Jedwabne. Pogonowski replied that prewar Jewish properties “will soon be worth many times more than they are worth now. The acquisition by the WJRO of this fabulous wealth will be possible when under the international pressure the Polish parliament or the president […] would authorize these international Jewish organizations to find and take over” the properties. At 15-20% of Polish national wealth, the compensation would make WJRO “strongest financial and political entity in Poland, capable of putting the country on the road of becoming a vassal state of Israel”. Recognizing “a determined support for the shakedown of Poland after Switzerland”, Pogonowski objected to painting the Poles as “degenerates whose purpose was to torment Jews” and compared the “racist attitude” to that of “the Nazis towards the Jews as being a congenitally criminal race”.
Via US congressmen, JPC warned against any opposition to restitutions. WJC called “anti-American” those Polish parliamentarians who wanted to limit the compensation. Twenty leaders of Jewish restitution groups advanced their mega-claim in Warsaw (27.2.2007) – an “extraordinary scandal” absent in the media. Singer was adamant (“Nobody who has lost their house wants to get a piece of roof, a couple of windows and doors, but the whole house!”), infuriating the Poles (“as if the Nazi occupant had not methodically destroyed Poland […] Jews received from Germany more than $100 billion in compensations […] the Poles got only meagre handfulls of Deutschmarks for slave labourers”). Under Żydokomuna, Jews could recover posessions in Poland after WWII, but many sold the properties and emigrated. A few hundred thousand Jews mainly from the USSR immediately received apartments free of charge.
Eizenstat noted a slowdown in the restitution process by “a lengthy dispute we helped mediate – between the small Polish Jewish community and the WJRO – which questioned the local community’s capacity to manage the restituted property. The international and local Jewish community will share control.” WJRO demands of control outraged local Jewry. New York City Council members unanimously called on Poland to legislate “for the complete restitution of Holocaust assets”, while 57 congressmen demanded restitution of “all property and assets seized during the Holocaust”. Eizenstat deplored too slow pace of evictions from claimed properties in Eastern Europe and urged Congress to put restitutions “high on the list” of requirements for East European candidates to EU and NATO, while Singer called to “check” that the countries pay up. Benjamin Gilman of the House International Relations Committee said: “their response […] is one of several standards by which the United States assesses its bilateral relationship.”
After the restitutionist meeting in Warsaw, J.R. Nowak commented on “the absurdity of conduct of the Polish authorities who have negotiated with this blackmailer” Singer, who behaved “most brazenly”, “scolded and constantly shouted”. Leaked after Singer’s firing, the detail stood in sharp contrast to previous scant reports of “a very friendly atmosphere” of the talks. Also after Singer’s dismissal, in one of a series of letters, the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) urged Polish prime minister Jarosław Kaczyński to legislate “for property confiscated illegally during the Holocaust and communist eras”. As in the Swiss claims, delays allegedly exacerbated the injustices from past persecution. To help Poland “bring closure to this painful chapter in history”, the letter stipulated restitution or compensation at no less than 20% market value, and burden-free claims, reminding that “looted artwork should be returned to original owners and not re-classified as “national patrimony”“. Nazis (during WWII) and Soviets (WWII and after) destroyed and plundered art objects of pre-war Poland. A partial list of 52,000 of the lost objects was prepared; “Compilation of a complete register of Polish cultural losses is impossible.”
Judeocentric exploits of Shoah created “much bitter strife” between Poles and Jewish restitutionists, “rather than encourage people to unite and commemorate in dignity the injustices and crimes of the past.” Parliamentarian Zbigniew Nowak reported to Warsaw prosecutor that prime minister Kaczyński (Kalkstein), “a person of Jewish nationality”, together with crypto-Jews in high government positions (e.g. Ryszard Schnepf, Leszek Jesień) had contravened lobbing law and harmed the state out of racial motives in unofficial negotiations with WJC, “a foreign organization without a legal title to move for any type of restitution claims under Polish law”.
Many Shoah survivors have been Jewish police and Judenrat members, mainly lawyers – scum who have ruthlessly collaborated with the Nazis and robbed Shoah victims. In escaping liability, they have abandoned their properties in Poland, thereby forfeiting ownership owing to the 1946 decree. Pardoned and amnestied criminal Jews haven’t filed property claims. Only in one county near Łódź there were 3,500 such cases. Many Jews have been concealing their nationality under changed surnames. Polish courts adjudicated adverse possessions in early 1960s – 2,500 cases in Łódź city alone. Records for Kielce region prove re-possessions of some 3,000 Jewish properties, and Przemyśl archives – many 1945-1950 sales of own and inherited properties by Jews, many of whom have spent WWII in the USSR. For 1948-1950, most of the records contain authorizations on behalf of Jews who have migrated to Western Poland and Israel. Some of the Jewish collaborators of the Nazis became oppressors in Żydokomuna.
Z. Nowak exposed wrongful, double and fraudulent restitutions. A 1960s agreement obliged Poland to indemnify US citizens for properties abandoned in Poland. Germany has compensated many Polish Jews living abroad. Some Jewish properties under WJC claim have been acquired illegally or criminally, mostly by Jews. For example, Jarosław Kaczyński chairs a foundation that took over prime Warsaw real estate. Bureaucrats who facilitated property transfers to Kaczyński were also Jewish. Jewish National Fund has dealt (1946-1950) with Israeli citizens’ property rights. Jews have been trying to recover properties in post-WWII Poland, but Polish courts have dismissed many cases for insufficient proof, low value or devastation of property, and fraudulent submisions. The records reside with the national archives in Łódź, but 6934 files of the rejected cases have been purged, eliminating documentation that could identify rightful claimants.
Restitution law has been secretly prepared with usurpers of the owners and heirs, in order to confuse the facts of willingly abandoned, heirless and recovered properties. The law might provide for a lump sum payment, including properties already compensated for, re-possessed or sold by Jews under changed name, or taken lawfully by adverse possesors. The restitutionist actions conceal property claim details, while Kaczyński and his party, who have staffed governmet disproportionately with Jews, will indemnify without investigating. Z. Nowak intended to charge Singer with attempts at restitutions under false pretenses.
Given Zionist-Nazis collusion and co-villainy, German compensation payments to Israel for Shoah, including about three million Polish Jews, raised moral and legal objections. Israel had had no right to take compensation for Poland’s Jews; Polish “state inherits their heirless properties […] WJRO’s present demands […] step back to times when Jews were a separate group, isolated from the host society and deprived of the obligations and the rights due to the citizens of the host country. In short, Mr. Singer opens a way back to ghettos”. Even JPC’s Gazeta Wyborcza scolded the demands, questioning “who actually authorized the Jewish organizations to represent Holocaust victims and by what right restitutions are demanded.” Former Polish minister of foreign affairs, a Jew, criticized WJC’s arrogant restitution demands, alluding to “moral discomfort and surprise every time I hear about claims of the US Jewish organizations against Poland”.
WJC announced (31.3.2008) Polish government wanted to finalize the restitution deal by the end of 2008, at 20% compensation paid to former owners, both Jewish and non-Jewish, “whose property was seized” in WWII. Polish officials estimated the Jewish-owned property at a fifth of all property confiscated (estimated at US$ 21-24 billion). Poles, “particularly the younger generation” realizes the government and media represent “only a narrow group of political and financial interests”. Society becomes increasingly polarized into “us” and those “connected to foreign capital, foreign rule, and a repulsive past of secret security agencies.” As in WWII under Zionist Nazis, the purpose of JPC restitution chutzpah might be to agitate anti-Semitism.
Judeopolonia, a Jewish state in Eastern Europe, likely within German concept of Mitteleuropa, is a significant concern hushed-out officially. This form of anti-Slav violence is possible since JPC suppresses objections to Jewish return raised due to Jewish notoriety in Bolshevism, Communism and JPC. Just as radical Zionists colluded with the Nazis in Shoah, German and Jewish extremists might collaborate today, since their goals coincide. They would like their own nations’ crimes absolved, compensation for the crimes ducked, and their own claims based on falsified history submitted. Some anti-Polish German circles publicized the Jewish spin on Jedwabne that preceded the Jewish claim.
The concept of German protectorate Judeopolonia dates back to Zionism’s birth in 19th century Poland. An official German concept sees Germans as “settlers and bearers of culture outside the present German-speaking areas”. By eliminating national boundaries in EU, Germany can revert to the power of ethnic Germans. Less than a century ago Zionists in Germany also campaigned that speakers of a German dialect Yiddish could bear German culture in Judeopolonia. Return of Jews to their own “region” might happen, thanks to EU regionalism and economic centralism that undermine nation states, and bureaucratic centralism that overrides national parliaments – principles that Germany has pushed in EU. Kosovo establishes a model for Judeopolonia – ethnic cleansing of an integral part of a sovereign state, to make room for an alien group, under combined terror of the “international community” and the group’s extremists.
Seven million Germans, incl. war criminals, were re-settled from the lands Poland got in former Germany; before and during WWII, Germans exterminated there 1.3 million people, mostly Poles. Kresy Poles re-settled to smaller territory in post-WWII Poland. Germans re-settlers demand restitutions from Poles who had noting to do with the Allied-Soviet re-settlement scheme. The re-settlers had up to two years to move or stay in Poland. German unconditional capitulation nullified German rights to the lands. Just before Christmas 2006 and on the eve of EU German presidency, after years of German government-backed preparations, the “expelled” filed claims to properties in Poland. Revisionists spin stories of hundreds of thousands if not millions of Germans killed in the “expulsion”.
Germany owes Poland trillions of euros for WWII human and material losses, injuries, pain, suffering, inhibition of national development, and psychological trauma. Several generations of Germans would have to labour to pay off this liability. Polish campaign for redress for WWII Soviet crimes and post-war Communist rule in Poland is also weak. An indemnity is due from the Jewish community, for WWII and post-WWII losses, including Communist enslavement. Poland’s politics run by JPC people like Bartoszewski has failed to enforce any significant payment to Poles, and efforts on all sides prevent it, e.g. German revisionists divert attention to claims against the Soviets. Classical publications on Polska Golgota, even though they don’t exhaust the subject, are ignored or labeled Communist propaganda.
Judeocentrics team up with Germans, to de-Nazify Germans and Zionists, brace Holocaustianity, claim illegitimate restitutions, and possibly prepare for re-settlement of Judeopolonia. Under mental terror and threat of reprisals, Poles mustn’t mention indemnity due from Jews. After USSR fall, Poles weakly demand redress for Soviet and Żydokomuna crimes. Redress for imposing Communism on Poles would be extra. Nazification of Poles as irreformable “anti-Semites” distracts from Jewish crimes, and preconditons ducking moral responsibility and multi-trillion reparations due to Poles and other victims of Nazis, Stalin’s willing executioners, and post-WWII Jewish Communists. White-washing of Nazis gives Germany a clean slate for EU expansion, incl. Judeopolonia. Villain-victims role reversal gives German war criminals and expelees a moral right to restitutions against victim nations. Same goes for heirs of Jewish Nazis, Stalinists and Communists. When Byelorussia, Ukraine, Russia and Lithuania become wealthy enough, JPC could approach them with fraudulent restitutions. Similarly, the heirs of atrocious Jews in Nazi, Soviet and Communist terror apparata can pose as benevolent proponents of mankind’s bliss, and defenders of Israel’s right to exist.
Polish scholar Feliks Koneczny (1862-1949) has found that a civilisation must defend and promote itself through education of the young. When it gives up its identity and treats other civilisations as equals, a civilisation most demanding of its members wins. Western demagogues force mixed society through Judeocentric universalist policies. Unlike Koneczny, Samuel Huntington posits that mainly religion causes conflicts, but Jewish civilization is not in his picture. In addressing European values, Huntington’s work is inferior to Koneczny’s, whose predictions come true.
Jewish-led Committee for Worker Defence betrayed Solidarność by secretly agreeing to share future power with Communist regime being ousted. Since then, Polish policy and media resemble those under US Israel Lobby. Jews have been disproportionately present in governments since Żydokomuna. Presidents Wałęsa, Kwaśniewski and Lech Kaczyński hid their ethnicity and appeased JPC by admission of national guilt for Jedwabne and Kielce. Żydokomuna successors “continue to dominate the nation’s cultural, political, and economic affairs, often to the detriment of the due process, fairness, justice, transparency, and democracy.” Pro-Jewish lobby exists at the highest levels of Polish government, including foreign affairs ministry and president’s office. President Kaczyński has assured Poland is “Israel’s best friend”. His chief aid, inexperienced in foreign relations, talked to US politicians on rapproachment Poland-USA-Israel that mean worse relations with Arab countries. Gulf War 1 deprived 40,000 Poles of employment in 1990 Iraq, without compensation. Poland is burdened with contributing troops to GWOT and is pressured into hosting a missile shield against “terrorist states”, while Iranian rockets can’t reach Poland; JPC aims at anti-Russian first-strike weapon system. Israel increased JPC pressure by joining restitution negotiations; never before has Israel participated, for fear of anatagonizing the countries concerned. JPC influence is also seen in: IMF economic “reforms” led by George Soros and his minions (mostly Jews) in key Polish government positions; endless evasion of scrutiny of VIPs with dubious background; CIA-operated interrogation and short-term detention facility in Poland for suspected terrorists; and, Zionist Marches of the Living. JPC-controlled media and polls have helped curtail Catholic media and eliminate Poland’s patriotic majority parties in 2007 parliamentary elections.
1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising monument was built in 1947; 1944 Warsaw Uprising monument rose after 50 years of obstacles, and a companion museum – only in 2004. Polish Historical Society remains silent, while media, exhibitions, museums and memorials propagate JPC and German revisionism. JPC meddles into Polish Diaspora (16 million of Poles, compared to 38 million at home). In New York, Jewish executives of Polish credit union have maneuovered the funds: “Polish organizations abroad don’t have money for supporting our Diaspora’s patriotic activities, but have subsidized with several hundred thousands dollars Jan Gross who defames Poland.” Similar situation exists in Toronto, where Polish money funds anti-Polish professor Wróbel.
Post-Communist Poland’s first attack on Polish Catholic Church has violated its sovereignity, bearing JPC stamp. Warsaw archbishop Wielgus was put at the bar of public opinion in JPC-friendly, global media. He was forced to resign for unproven co-operation with UB successor, SB. Many in the ranks that castigated him, i.e. politicians and members of parties who won 2006 municipal elections, had been SB agents. They politicized Wielgus case to save own skin and discredit the Church. Polish pseudo-Catholic hierarchs and clergy, e.g. philosemitic archbishop Józef Życiński (Reiffstein) and father Adam Boniecki (Aaron Ajngold), symptomize Judaization. Their colleague Jesuit Obirek left his cassock to marry a Jewess from Israeli embassy.
JPC-Vatican connection also explains the behaviour of crypto-Jew Tadeusz Mazowiecki (Icek Dikman), ostensibly former activist. Under Żydokumuna, he was affiliated with Communist-controlled Catholic PAX, was a Catholic weekly editor and participated in defamation of bishop Kaczmarek groundlessly accused of being US and Vatican spy in Kielce show trials. Another Catholic crypto-Jew, Lech Wałęsa (Lejba Kone, ironically a hero in the West), a CIA-coordinated, Communist agent to subvert Solidarność, offered Mazowiecki prime minister position. “Catholic” crtpto-Jews and Freemasons Wałęsa, Mazowiecki, Jacek Kuroń (Izaak Cukerman or Icek Kordblum), Geremek, Michnik and others in the Jew-dominated Committee for Defence of Workers (KOR) have subverted Solidarność to share power and national assets with the Communists. A quest for scrutiny of former Polish secret service has maneouvered around KOR member records. Like “Muslim” Dönmeh had subverted Young Turks to Judeocentric goals, “Catholic” crypto-Jews and Masons Wałęsa, Mazowiecki, Jacek Kuroń (Izaak Cukerman or Icek Kordblum), Bronisław Geremek (Berele Lewartow), Adam Michnik (Aaron Szechter) subverted Solidarność.
Jews and Poles related to Jews appealed to Kaczyński to restore Polish citizenship to Jews who lost it due to “March 1968, anti-Semitic campaign”, without going through “humuliating procedures, waiting for months and years for bureacrratic decisions.” Polish interior ministry records show almost all of 11,185 Jews left voluntarily in 1968-1969, incl. 18 Communist party (PZPR) aparatchiks and 729 Communist and government staff: 1 minister, several vice-ministers, 28 diplomats and high-ranking officials of foreign affairs ministry, 176 criminals of the interior ministry, 28 judges, 55 political officers of the army, and 261 high-ranking media officials and reporters – servants of Communist propaganda who continued anti-Polonism in the West. “We are about to restore Polish citizenship to these […] persecutors of the Polish nation!” Most of post-war Poland’s Jews were Soviets with Polish citizenship. Even after the “expulsion” many Jews held high positions in PZPR, government and key Polish institutions.
Israeli professor of political science, chairman of Knesset and former ambassador to Warsaw, Shevah Weiss advocates good relations conditional on restitutions for “hundreds of thousands houses left behind by Jews in Poland, valued at 30 to 60 billion dollars”. Ignoring Soviet takeover and arguing Polish liability on moral grounds, he disregards that Nazis have confiscated Jewish properties; “long time ago [no mention of it in Polish media] we have proposed that a Polish foundation would promptly pay – say 5 billion dollars – to the elderly […] The second generation of heirs could receive coupons redeemable over 10-20 years, unless they invested in Poland.” Weiss noted that Warsaw property values “rose a dozen times […] Tusk and president Kaczyński should co-operate as it is a moral issue of both nations”. Disregarding exisitng Polish restitution process, JPC Industry has waited for property values to pick up after Poland joins EU, holding anti-Semitism whip ready: “Restitution debate will raise anti-Semitism only in anti-Semities […] Ant-Semitism exists in France, Poland and Denmark. Germany is the worst”. But Weiss contradicts himself: “Upon return from Poland, Israelis say, “Wow! It’s quite different over there.” Then these myths and stereotypes are false. He suggests absolving Poles from non-existent anti-Semitism in exchange for granting fraudulent Jewish restitutions. Weiss substantiates his allegation by slurring Radio Maryja, its leader Father Rydzyk and Polish patriot Leszek Bubel: “deep in their hearts they are humane and will understand that to remain an anti-Semite, xenophobe or racist after the Holocaust is disgraceful.” Weiss understands the importance of education in JPC inter-civilizational strife (“Anti-Semitism must be faught effectively and wisely: children must be taught in schools to open their hearts to other people”), but doesn’t see the need to educate about Zionist-Nazism, Bolshevism, collusion against Slavs and Jews, and Żydokomuna crimes. He invokes “racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism” as if Poles were villains, and reveals JPC propaganda target – the younger generation.
In European values debate, Polish MEP professor Maciej Giertych’s booklet briefs on civilisations. After Koneczny, Giertych concludes “no middle ground” between civilisations; for Latin civilisation to survive, its education must uphold its own principles. In parliamentarian freedom of speech, without infringing on the rights of others, he was critical of all civilisations, but only Judeocentrics objected. EJC threatened to prosecute the author “of this antisemitic text which reeks of medieval hate and 19th century racial stereotyping,” and which “contains the same pre-war theories that led to the Holocaust”. Judeocentrics’ God-chosen notion used in politics makes them racist. Anti-Polonism should be prosecuted rather than Koneczny’s messenger. “Pre-war theories” lead nowhere, unless conceived on criminal demand and implemented; Balkan conflicts and GWOT have exploited Huntington’s theory, yet he isn’t blamed. Koneczny illuminates Judeocentrism and undermines its universalism.
Five Polish liberal MEPs believed the booklet was based on “the aberrant theory of civilizations”. One of them, Geremek, had subverted Solidarność with Kuroń and other Judeocentrics and Masons. Socialist parliamentarians’ German leader, Martin Schulz urged to investigate booklet’s funding, because EU logo appeared on it (in accord with procedures for claiming refund). French socialist MEP Martine Roure disapproved of the booklet as contradicting EU values. European Commission spokesman said EU executive “rejects and condemns any manifestations of anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia”. Such unfounded references question European efforts to establish and beef up anti-Semitic police and laws, pointing to JPC initiation of anti-Gentile legalistic warfare. European Parliament president Hans-Gert Poettering was “deeply troubled” – Giertych critiqued overregulation and “politics without ethics.” Groundlessly, Poettering claimed “several allegations of a xenophobic nature” and “serious breach of fundamental rights, and in particular the dignity of human beings”, reprimanding Giertych to adhere to EU’s founding “values principles”. Giertych noted “the President did not accuse me of racism or anti-Semitism of which I was accused by the media, because my book does not supply any substance to such accusations”. Giertych wasn’t told what he had violated; “I always assumed that freedom of speech was one such value”. World Bank, who praised JPC’s Danish Cartoons Operation, a violation of freedom of speech, didn’t mind mistreatment of Giertych.
JPC-friendly Wikipedia misrepresents Koneczny: “authored extensive monographs of Byzantine and Jewish civilisations, which he considered to be less developed than the Latin civilisation of catholic Europe.” He denigrated no civilization, nor analysed material development, but ranked societies scientifically, condemning racism and violent anti-Semitism. Wikipedia paints him as a “dedicated antisemite, who looked for Jewish conspiracies wherever he could ”. Reference  contains one unsubstantiated sentence. Referring to , Wikipedia states his assessment of Nazism as “a product of Jewish civilization”, but smears him as “one of the chief proponents of a theory that Jewish civilization threatened entire Latin-Christian world”. Zionists have created Nazism, which makes Wikipedia’s reference  a smear by Michlic, who whitewashes Jewish causes of Polish “anti-Semitism”, has dedicated her book to anti-Polish Kuroń, supports Neighbours and Fear, and has impressed Polish national responsibility for Jedwabne. Michlic points out that Wilno University has dismissed Koneczny, but she doesn’t say why: he critiqued Piłsudski government who had been influenced by Turanian mentality. Michlic can’t be objective. Truth distortion instigates hatred, contradicting her and Judeocentric pronouncements.
Anti-Polonism since Shoah’s exceptionalization is similar to anti-Serbism since 1990s. Serbs shared guilt for violence in recent Balkan conflicts; Poles, the victims, not guilty of WWII mass crimes on Jews, were blamed from the beginning. Yet, in a self-perpetuating victimization of Jews, JPC demands apologies from Polish statesmen for crimes allegedly being typical of Poles. Jewish voices of reason have been subject to JPC’s virulent suppression.
Victim-victimizer role reversal has imposed moral and psychological violence on Poles and Serbs. Official media have been suppressing a debate, demonizing the target groups, and assassinating opponents’ characters. Serbs have been charged with genocide and ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims, who claim huge indemnity. The court of public opinion has slandered Poles for Jedwabne-type Nazi massacres, and for Kielce-type Soviet pogroms. Preposterous, fraudulent restitution claims follow. WWII victim, Poles have to pay for Nazi and Soviet plunder and destruction, i.e. a Judeocentric scheme against Slavs and Jews. Some of the claimants are Żydokomuna killers (and their heirs) who escaped Poland. Main victim of JPC Balkan interventionism, Serbs are scapegoated as mass criminals, too.
JPC has politicized Shoah for Holocaust Industry needs. Exploitation of Holocaust, genocide and ethnic cleansing for material and moral gains is evident in the examined cases of JPC-aided Islamists (Balkan cases), and Judeocentrics and German revisionists (Polish cases). JPC’s revisionist restitutionism might backfire, making Jewish fears a self-fulfilled prophecy. Illegitimate resitutionist accumulation of title to real estate in Germany, Poland, the Baltics, Byelorussia and Ukraine, would give JPC a political-economic power in Europe. Should the nations find the control unacceptable, violence might ensue. The century-old concept of Judeopolnia could become an Euroregion where Jews as Yiddish-speaking bearers of German culture would enjoy the protectorate of EU leader, Germany.
JPC media have been promoting Slavophobia and blaspheming Christian symbols, but not Judeocentric ones. Polish Catholic Church has been devastated and Serbian Christian craddle given away to hateful aliens, while popes heed the “international community” culprit in both Poland and former Yugoslavia. Laws multiply against anti-Semitism, “Islamophobia” and racism, but not against anti-Polonism. Holocaust’s no lesser victim than Jews, Poles could demand anti-Polonism laws.
Radical Jews have consistently opposed Polish independence, siding with Poland’s enemies for centuries. Zionist Jews have collaborated with Soviet NKVD, and ghetto councils and police – with Nazis. Poles, the largest group recognized by Yad Vashem, have helped Jews despite death penalty and own peril. A decade of Żydokomuna’s post-war, anti-Polish terror had imposed Communism on Poles. As JPC distorts truth, Poles’ attitudes towards Jews and Germans worsen. Polish-Jewish relations are at the lowest since Żydokomuna, despite assertions of JPC’s politicians and spokesmen, whom Poles condemn for attacking nationhood, land, historical truth, and memory of Polish martyrdom. Judeocentrics are bound to pursue their false messianic mission entreched in politics, media, NGOs, Holocaustianity and financial and judicial systems. Without truth and compensation for suffering, Poles will not reconcile and will not open to Jews again, even though righteous Jews will suffer in the process. JPC has done irrepairable damage with negative stereotyping prior to the restitution assault. “Polish” leaders aren’t trusted since restitution chutzpah came to light. Polish public feelings on the issue are explosive, more so that JPC-subservient Polish authorities persecute truth-tellers.
JPC’s anti-Polonism ignores Jewish villainy of Soviet, Nazi and Żydokomuna regimes, while blaming the victim for JPC predecessors’ failures and crimes on Poles and Jews. Most Jews supported anti-Polish German and Soviet interests, after centuries of Jewish exploitation, social isolationism and siding with Poles’ oppressors. Great Depression combined with Jewish domination of pre-war Polish commerce aggravated the frictions. Jews imposed Communism on Poles. While ignoring positive aspects of Polish-Jewish relations, JPC propaganda focuses on Polish anti-Semitism, even though it wasn’t Europe’s strongest nor racist. Attempts at the truth about Jewish Bolshevik-Communist past and newer Jewish terror, incl. Shoah, are “revisionism”, “hatred” and “anti-Semitism”, in order to continue justification for Israel’s existence, and JPC’s NWO quest. Anti-Polonism also maintains Jewish victimhood and Shoah uniqueness for Holocaust Religion and Industry.
“Media battle” of Jedwabne and Kielce justified JPC restitutionism before public opinion. JPC-subservient Polish leaders expediently engaged in politics of apology and contrition to blame Poles for German and Soviet crimes. Poles may face returns of German properties to pre-WWII owners and heirs supported by German government. Successful Jewish and German claims would give control of a significant part of the Polish economy and public life to foreign extremists. Jews owe Poles more for the loss of life in Soviet and Communist hands and for enslavement than Poles owe Jews for real estate. Poles are outraged as fraudulent restitutionism and maneouvering of the nation out of multi-trillion euro war reparations surface. History distortions stigmatize Polish-Jewish relations and prevent reconciliation. Whenever Jews opt for anti-Polonism, they get Polish enmity returned, thereby forfeiting the right to complain about “Polish anti-Semitism”. While Holocaust Industry propagandists in universities poison the minds with hate, truth-seekers are branded anti-Semites. Jewish leaders don’t condemn rampant anti-Polonism but they do anti-Semitism.
Polish and other Slav WWII losses remain unresolved, owing to manipulation by WWII villains, including Judeocentrics. In order to circumvent their collusion in Shoah, radical Zionists “de-Germanized” the Nazis and displaced Jewish anger and hatred unto Poles, by branding them WWII villains. Because Poles lack the political clout to fight back effectively, this displacement is so much more attractive. Having grossly distorted history, Jewish and German revisionists and retributionists make concurrent anti-Polish claims. The symbiosis is centuries-old and presently meets common goals: absolution of own crimes, avoidance of compensation for crimes, and submitting fraudulent claims. The heirs of Ukrainian and Lithuanian Nazi collaborators may join, repeating anti-Polish, WWII situation.
Role reversal distracts from liability for huge human and material losses, and could divert to JPC the still-unpaid reparations Germany owes Poland. Millions of Poles have died in Nazi and Soviet hands. Nuremberg Trials asserted 33% (about 12 million) of pre-WWII Poland’s citizens lost, mostly civilians, incl. about 3 million Polish Jews. In addition, Soviets have exterminated 1.5 million Poles in USSR between WWI and WWII, Nazis have killed unknown number of ethnic Poles in Eastern Germany before WWII, and Żydokomuna – up to 200,000 after WWII. Research needs to clear uncertainties due to political manipulations by Soviets, Holocaust exceptionalists, and German revisionists. Even rough estimates indicate that Polska Golgota has been 20th century major genocide.
Media shape world public opinion. The influential side of a conflict gets its message out, controls the discourse, and has the political clout to have its sufferings enshrined in Western institutions. JPC influence over media and politics explains the bias in both Polish-Jewish and Serbian cases. Persistent coverage given to demonstrably false Polonophobic and Serbophobic claims signify JPC media’s stupefying partiality. Bosnian Muslims, Albanians and Croats in Balkan conflicts, and Jews in the Polish case, have had backing of JPC media that marginalize the memory of non-Jewish Holocaust victims. Perpetrators of anti-Jewish crimes have been called to repent and pay multi-billion dollar compensations, but JPC leaders haven’t yet deplored Jewish Bolshevik and Communist terror. Negative revisionist campaigns distort history, particularly to younger generations. Longer-term, manipulation of public opinion on Nazi crimes may threaten European security, as EU leader Germany presses eastwards economically. Cover-ups of radical Jewish role in 20th century genocide and mass crimes continue.
Distortions that reverse the victim-perpetrator roles to justify military, political, legalistic, moral and economic violence range from inflated (Srebrenica) and falsified massacres (Kielce, Jedwabne, Račak), through ethnic cleansing (non-existent expulsion of Albanians from Kosovo, and lawful re-settlement of Germans from Western Poland presented as expulsions), to an alleged threat to own nationhood, such as the biggest ethnic cleansing in 1990s Balkan wars, that of Serbs in Western Slavonia and Krajina by Croatia. Kielce and Jedwabne massacres and re-settlement of Germans have happened decades before the Srebrenica massacre and the expulsions of Serbs by Croats and Albanians, yet the manipulation of fact is similar, ranging from gross exageration to role-reversal.
Role reversal absolves villains from moral and material liability. Post-crime propaganda reverses victim-villain roles, in order to cover up own crimes, escape responsibility, draw material (territory, money) and moral gains, and/or prepare for further violence and conquest. False victims have committed mass crimes and they profit (Bosnian Muslim, Croat and Albanian takeover of Serbian land and property) or seek to win large material claims, based on lies (German and Jewish revisionists with reference to WWII; Bosnian Muslims with reference to Srebrenica and Bosnia). Role reversal’s guilt re-direction and fact falsification make villains’ ignorants feel righteous, thereby undermining chances for reconciliation. Negative revisionism of history and manipulation of monuments and memorials accompany role reversal.
Institutions that ostensibly promote peace and justice engage in demonizations and role reversals. Council of Foreign Relations and Soros foundations sponsored by funders tied to groups with vested interests, participate in dissemination of negative revisionist propaganda in Polish and Serbian cases. JPC complex in US supports preposterous indemnity claims on behalf of Jewish restitutionists against Poland. German restitutionists (in the name of right-wing Vertriebenen) have submitted and plan more restitution claims at European Court of Human Rights. International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia has been pinning “genocide” on Serbs, who weren’t villains but victims. Withholding, falsifying or interfering with key evidence (an obstruction of justice) is “legalistic violence”, in both Polish and Serbian cases.
" - Wyśmiewani za niemodny patriotyzm, wierni Bogu i Ojczyźnie podnieśliśmy głowy."
Connecting true geography and detailed unfolding of wide variety of crimes perpetrated by German/Ukrainian Nazis and jewish bolsheviks of Soviet Union on the Polish nation.
" - Wyśmiewani za niemodny patriotyzm, wierni Bogu i Ojczyźnie podnieśliśmy głowy."
Connecting true geography and detailed unfolding of wide variety of crimes perpetrated by German/Ukrainian Nazis and jewish bolsheviks of Soviet Union on the Polish nation.
zeskrobywanie nieprawdy i czepianie się słów
Prywatny blog historyczny Bohdana Piętki
OURSELVES AND OUR POSTERITY