Justice4Poland.com
Connecting true geography and detailed unfolding of wide variety of crimes perpetrated by German/Ukrainian Nazis and jewish bolsheviks of Soviet Union on the Polish nation.
German claims plunge Poles into further debts
Is German greediness matching those of the Jews?
It very much seems so.
For over 25 years demoliberal regime cares about everyone else, but not about Poles. One of the manifestations of this is the issue of German property claims and a complete mess in the books of real estate located in the Recovered Territories.
Agnes Trawny’s case should serve as a lesson here.
A home at Narty in the Mazury region has been abandoned by the Trawny’s family in the 70’s. Then taken over by the Polish State Treasury, the State accommodated in this house two Polish families – Moskaliks and Głowackis, who paid regular rent and have taken care of the house.
However, both families had to move out in 2011. The Głowacki family in this situation began to demand money for the maintenance of the house.
Initially they applied for about 200 thousand Polish zloty in compensation. In June 11, 2014 the District Court in Olsztyn decided that Agnes Trawny, which regained the house do not have to pay former tenants any compensation. The court also found that the Poles, who sued a German woman, must pay the costs of the process too, namely 13 000 Polish zloty respectively, which is a small fortune for a common Polish family.
The case of Agnes Trawny caused that more successive German citizens appeared in Poland for that particular reason, with similar claims who began winning cases before the Polish courts. With regard to the claims of German citizens the blame is on the demoliberal authorities that do not have corresponding entries in the Treaty of 1991 on good neighbourly Polish-German relations.
Additionally, no one knows today how much real estate in Poland is threatened by the German claims. It is estimated, however, that in the Warmia and Mazury regions the problem of unregulated property ownership status may affect 20,000 land registers. Knowing the specifics of the Third Republic the number may be similar also in other regions of Poland.
It is obvious that a new resentment will grow among the Polish citizens who already struggle with every day living due to the judeo-zionist mismanagement of Polish financial affairs. Again Poland is being torn apart without one single shot.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s grandfather was a Nazi officer. His grandfather’s past came to light when his political rivals — twin brothers Lech and Jaroslaw Kaczynski — publicized it during the 2005 election campaign, and which he denied.
http://www.cbsnews.com/news/polish-candidate-denies-nazi-roots/
Tusk’s Jewish Grandfather
Israeli journalists confused military service in Wehrmacht with Jewish descent. In their opinion Tusk said in an interview that he “didn’t know that his grandfather was Jewish.” Although he was talking about his grandfather’s service in the German army, the false information has spread around the world through the web. Agnieszka Liszka, a government spokesperson, claims that it was an evident mistake by a journalist. A fragment of the Prime Minister’s interview for influential magazine Haaretz was the source of this misunderstanding. “I didn’t know that my grandfather served in the Wehrmacht until my political opponents brought it to light during the election campaign three years ago,” declared Tusk in the interview. He also explained that his grandfather was forced to serve in the Nazi army. This article was entitled: “I didn’t know about the Nazi past of my grandfather,” but it later was changed to: “There is no Polish culture without a Jewish one”. The Israeli information portal Arutz Sheva entitled the article: “The grandfather of Polish Prime Minister was Jewish” and described the situation in the text. Tusk added in the interview: “My Kashubian family, just as the Jews, was born and lived within another country’s borders. This was treated as a potential danger and as disloyal by both Nazis and communists”. Another text in Haaretz was entitled: “Brothers in arms,” but it is not surprising as the article concentrates on Polish-Israeli army relations. The magazine quotes Tusk, who said that “when it comes to army relations, Poland receives more support from Israel than from its great ally, the USA”.
https://newzar.wordpress.com/2008/04/11/was-tusk%E2%80%99s-grandfather-a-jew/
Below is photo of Tusk who wish to become President.
Poland is probably the only country in which large fractions of the national elites permit
unreasonable demands from abroad to be made against the nation, and question the necessity of structuring one’s responses to the world in terms of national interest. Members of such elites thus undermine the most self-evident principle of foreign policy: the defense of the interests of one’s country. The most recent example is the situation that resulted from the demand by some German groups for financial reparations from Poland to partially compensate for Germans’ territorial losses after the Second World War. The reasons for assuming such attitudes are numerous and include naivete, intellectual besserwissenschaft, party fractionalism, and the habit of servility born during centuries of forfeited sovereignty.In 2006, the Prussian Trust, an organization representing German postwar expellees from Central and Eastern Europe submitted a claim against Poland to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Polish Foreign Minister Anna Fotyga pointed out that “the resettlement of the German population was decided by the governments of the United States, Great Britain, and the USSR” and “the World War II began with the German attack on Poland and caused irreparable losses and sufferings to the Polish state and nation, to which the German government said nothing. Given the fact that in 1945 the entire territory of Poland was occupied by the Soviets, the only sensible policy regarding such demands is for the German government to step in and make them an internal German problem. Ms. Erika Steinbach, head of the Prussian Trust and a Bundestag member, had “the guts” to compare the deportations of Germans to the Holocaust, and ridiculed the Warsaw Uprising. What does she know about the Holocaust?! Do these people represent the margins of German society? Has any Parliament member in Poland compared the massacre of Poles in Volhynia during the Second World War to the genocide of Jews engineered by the Germans? Has any member of the Polish Parliament ever made claims against the Ukrainians because Poles lost their properties in Ukraine? Has anyone in Poland ever compared the Ukrainian misdeeds against Poles to the crimes of Hitler or Stalin? Of course not. Why don’t we ask our western neighbor to react to the trashing of standards of political decency by some of their compatriots?
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Given the fact that in 1945 the entire territory of Poland was occupied by the Soviets, the only sensible policy regarding restitution demands is for the German government to step in and make them an internal German problem.
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Any Polish attempt to close the issue of Polish-German war damages once and for all would legitimize German demands that have no legal value at present. To this we say that such claims should not be directed at the Polish state, period. It is incomprehensible why certain parts of the Polish political elite accept this argument of the German government.
Given the extensive damage and genocide committed in Poland by Nazis such claims are totally unjustified!
However, the evolution of the legal system in Europe has bestowed genuine rights on the individual. It is now possible to sue a sovereign country before an international tribunal. The greedy Prussian Trust knows well that by ratifying the European Convention of Human Rights, Poland accepted that standard and the jurisdiction of the Strasbourg Tribunal.
Under whose influence was it created, I wonder?
A German proverb says: “In the court of law and at sea only God decides.” In contrast, in Poland such demands have been perceived through the lens of the law of absolute primacy of the state over the citizen, which prevailed in Soviet-occupied Poland for two generations. Few people in Poland or elsewhere know that in Germany there exists a vast literature justifying German property claims in territories that had been granted to Poland through international agreements after the Second World War (the same agreements deprived Poland of eastern territories from which hundreds of thousands of Poles were expelled without any restitution of property whatsoever).
Please read the Polish history again.
In present-day Germany there is hardly a single international law specialist that does not have in his curriculum vitae at least one article dedicated to the postwar fate of the expellees. The conclusions of such articles are generally anti-Polish. The vocabulary used in German public life-the key concepts of “expulsion” (Vertreibung) and “dispossession” (Enteignung)-contain legally detrimental connotations. Poles and others have also forgotten that one of the most respected authorities in international law, Professor Alfred Verdross, introduced (in collaboration with Professor Bruno Simma, now a judge in the International Tribunal in the Hague) into international law the institution of territorial supervision. This annulled the finality of Polish rights regarding post-German territories given to Poland after the Second World War, while at the same time cutting off eastern territories from the Polish state, thus initiating the painful and costly (to Poles) relocation of the Polish population from present-day Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine to western territories, from which Germans were relocated to Germany.
The Prussian Trust claims that the German national consciousness has been radically changed, and therefore a danger of Germans engaging in any form of aggression against their eastern neighbor is thus simply moot. It is true that Germany went though a period of soul-searching after the Second World War, especially regarding the Jews and the Holocaust. However, such a soul-searching has never taken place regarding the Catholic Poles. It also appears that not only ordinary Germans but also German historians harbor an idealized picture of their actions in Poland in 1939-45, and the catastrophic destruction of Polish lives and property in the second world war. What is more, for a quarter-century now the historical debate in Germany (Historikerstret) has involved a number of serious historians who have posited that the crimes Germans committed in the Second World War were not exceptional, given that the twentieth century was a century of genocides such as that of the Armenians, the Ukrainians, and so on. If so, then the German nation is no more responsible for the history of that century than any other nation. In this context it can hardly be surprising that some segment of the expellees group accuses the victims of being the executioners.
When the witnesses are almost gone, memories faded away a new history is being “formed”. If such people as Rudi Pawelka [the founder of the Prussian Trust], Steinbach, and Fromme are representative of German public opinion at least in part, then the concerns expressed in this article are far from being groundless.
A collective brainwashing that would lead to historical amnesia, even if it occurred with full consent of the Poles, cannot be accomplished. All previous attempts to amputate memory have failed, not only in Poland but everywhere else. The most recent attempt, that of the Soviets, ended in a spectacular failure. We therefore maintain that an attempt to excise the memory of past events would have negative results for European identity.
The process of European integration is not an abstract construct, but is related to the future vitality and viability of the continent.
But Germany dreams of becoming the superior superpower again forgetting the fact that the wheel of fortune goes round…
Germany’s strength naturally pushes it toward attempts at domination, but these attempts ended with German defeat in the two world wars. Thus European integration was conceived as a means to enable Germany to peacefully coexist with other European nations and to rein in its dominating tendencies. A fundamental condition of such a solution was the Germans’ assumption of historical guilt, owing to which Germany assumed such a nobly responsible role concerning the rest of Europe in the second part of the twentieth century. It was this double burden the Germans carried-an admission of guilt and the weight of leadership-that is a major reason for the successes of European integration so far. Today we observe a reversal of this historical policy, and attempts to relativize German guilt on the one hand, and a general European disinterest in long-term consequences of political passivity on the other. It is not an accident that the Germany of Gerhard Schröder, Erika Steinbach, and Rudi Pawelka backed off from the process of deepening European integration.
The arguments raised by some Poles and others concerning the issue of German demands thus amount to saying that it is imprudent of Poles to display politically aggressive behavior toward the Germans. Such a stance shows full disregard for facts: it is not Poles but Germans who are asking for reparations, while common sense tells us that the situation ought to be reversed. In 1945 Poland was nominally one of the victorious members of the anti-Nazi coalition, but in practice it lost the war because it was occupied by the USSR. Poles got no restitution from the Germans for the unspeakable losses of life and property. The argument that the so-called “western” (post-German) territories allotted to Poland by the Great Powers constituted such restitution is flawed. Before the Poles assumed jurisdiction over these territories, the Red Army plundered everything that was worth plundering, dispatching entire factories to the USSR by train and truck and destroying such cities as Danzig/Gdańsk. The Polish victims of Nazi terror received no financial reparations. The minuscule payments of 1991-2006 cannot be treated as reparations: even the German side admitted that they were given de gratia, as a kind of charity donation to the destitute. The government of Soviet-occupied Poland extracted 100 million DM from the pockets of the “western revanchists”; these monies then disappeared, allegedly into the state treasury, some of it into the pockets of the apparatchiks; they have never been properly accounted for. In the 1990s the post-Round Table Polish governments took the line of least resistance and did not raise the issue of reparations. It is thus justifiable to say that Poles and the descendants of Polish victims of the Nazis never received any reparations whatsoever. The history of Polish-German relations during the last half-century is the history of one-sided Polish relinquishments of the right to demand reparations. In 1953 Bolesław Bierut, president of Soviet-occupied Poland, renounced any war reparation claims against DDR [East Germany]. Even though the documentation is missing, it has been assumed that in 1970 the government of Soviet-controlled Poland confirmed this renunciation in a treaty that normalized Polish-German relations. In 1991 Prime Minister Krzysztof Bielecki’s government renounced support for any individual claims by non-Jewish Polish victims of the Nazis. In 1994 Prime Minister Marek Belka confirmed this stance. Thus the Polish side had long ago renounced all claims to the restitution of property and compensation for life and hardship incurred during the Second World War. Yet today, some members of the Polish political elites accept German claims to property restitution from Poland! Moreover, these politicians accuse of radicalism all those who try to point out these facts.Professor Alfons Klafkowski, who specializes in Polish-German relations between 1945-89, has estimated that Polish claims against Germans concerning Polish property lost or destroyed amounted to half a trillion dollars (in 1980 dollars).He suggested raising this issue with the government of Germany. What happened instead was a decision by the German authorities to extend pitifully small alms to a few thousand survivors who experienced health-destroying slave labor in Germany during the war, or otherwise were mistreated, imprisoned, or tortured by the German Nazis. Lech Kaczyński the former Polish President, who tragically died in the Smolensk air crash took a bold step renouncing mutual claims once and for all.
Was it one of the reasons he had to die?
Over the years, the consecutive governments of Poland acted as if the former communists could become model Europeans in the nick of time, and the Polish foreign policy was often conducted in defiance of the Polish national interest. Claims of the importance of national interest were ridiculed as backward and reactionary. The government of Prime Minister Kaczyński was trying to reverse this trend.
There are serious issues in Polish-German relations that need discussing: the issue of the Prussian Trust, the issue of the version of history actively promoted in Germany today, the issue of the Szczecin Bay rights, the issue of the status of the Polish language in Germany and of the Polish minority in Germany. We will be able to solve these issues if the Germans begin to treat Poland as a partner, and not as a country that can be disingenuously excluded from the process of mutual recognition.
Excerpts taken from; http://www.ruf.rice.edu/~sarmatia/407/272krzyst.html
Translated by the Sarmatian Review staff.
ENOUGH OF JUDEO-GERMAN BS!
JUSTICE FOR POLAND!!!
LONG LIVE POLAND!!
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ENOUGH LIES
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